Christian Reformed Church Mission to China : 1920-1949                                       
                                                                                                                                                                       By Alex Pak

                      
TABLE OF CONTENTS
 I. Introduction 
II. Brief Facts of China 
   A. Land
   B. People
   C. Religion
       1. Confucianism
       2. Buddhism
       3. Taoism
   D. Language
III. Background of China in 1920-49 
   A. Political 
   B. Economical
       1.Agriculture
    C. Social
       1. Education: Rise of Intellectualism
        2. May Fourth Movement
IV. General Background on Missionaries and  Missionary Activities 
    A. Missionary
       1. Rise of Chinese Nationalism
        2. The Sino-Japanese War
V. General View of Holistic Missionary Methods
   A. Education
    B. Medicine
    C. Famine Relief
VI. The Christian Reformed Church Mission on China
   A. History of the Christian Reformed Church's Foreign Missions 
       1. Missionaries
        2. Mission ActivitIes
    B. Background of Mission Fields 
       1. Major Events during early 1900
       2. CRC Mission Fields
    C. Starting a Mission 1920-1927
    D. Years of Growth 1928-1938
       1. Nevius Plan
       2. Expansion of Fields
   E. Departure 1939-1949
VII Evaluation
VIII. Conclusion
IX. Footnotes
X. Bibliography 

Chapter I : INTRODUCTION 
Recently, there have been innumerable excellent books and articles in missions on China in the twentieth century.  Scholars from both secular universities and the churches have increasingly turned to China for various reasons.  With the reopening to the West, interest in China and reevaluation of her will be an important project to the church as well as in the discipline of missions.  This paper provides description of China during 1920 through 1940, and the Christian Reformed Church Foreign Mission in China, its methods.   

For the Christian Reformed Church, the China mission was the first time that she attempted to spread the Gospel of Jesus Christ outside of the North America.  The mission last thirty years, the time when Chiang, Kai-shek's government fell under Mao, Tse-tung's Communism.  The ministry produced spiritual giant  in the Christian Reformed Church, and it pave the way for future mission in China.     

The Church history in China is long and complex that  it is futile to claim that one knows it all.  And it is writer of this paper's confession that even writing thirty years of Christianity in China will not do a proper justice to the history of Christianity in China.  One of the reasons for such overwhelming feeling is that during period of 1920-1940 there have many important events took place in China.  According to a historian John K. Fairbank  the thirty-seven years from 1912 through 1949 are "known as the period of the Chinese Republic." 1  There was a threat of invasion from Japan, rise of nationalism, Communism, and rise of Kuomintang, and near collapse of her economy.  For Christianity in China, all these elements contributed to an outcome of missionaries in China: expulsion of missionaries. 

In this thesis, the paper will focus on the Christian Reformed Church's mission in China during the period of 1920 through 1949, and also the paper will deal with a holistic missionary methods, which employed during this period. 2   

While implementing the approach, this paper will also deal with some of key events in history, which resulted the dismissal of missionaries.  The writer believes that it is important to tie the missions with the history of Christianity in China.   

Before go on to specific materials, writer wishes to introduce the land of China and her people. 

Chapter II : BRIEF FACTS OF CHINA

A. Land 

The land of China involves a vast geographical area extending from Siberia to the Equator and from the shores of the Pacific to the heart of the Eurasian continent.  Area of the country is 9,596,961 square kilometers (3,691,523 square miles).  She is little larger than the United States and Great Britain combined. China's coastline is about 2,000 miles long, and has many fine ports and larger cities.  Inside of the land, there are the great river systems of the Yangtze and Hwang Ho(Yellow River).  The Yangtze River runs more than 3,000 miles long and can be navigate an ocean steamers for 680 miles. 

The country is also mountainous.  There are many peaks that reach more than 25,000 feet.  On the western part, there is the Kunlun Mountains and the Greater Klimzoan (or Khingan) mountain in the northeast.  There are two vast, low-lying plains that are situated in the east:Mongolia and the Gobi Desert.  These deserts covers expanse of 400,000 square miles.   

The Great Wall of China extends between the provinces of old China and Ningsia and Suiyuan.  It is over 1,500 miles long and was constructed in the third century B.C..  It was begun by emperor Shih Huangti and took more than 300 years and 300,000 workers to linked up the various sections of the walls.  The Great Wall was built in order to celebrate the unification of the many provinces into one empire and to keep out fierce horseback-riding invaders from the north. 

Climate of China is that in the summer season it is hot and in the winter it is cold and dry.  Rainfall is heaviest along the southern coast.  The continent lies in the North Temperate Zone and the southern portion is lies in the tropics.        

B. People 
Today, China is the home of the world's largest population-- approaching 1.1 billion people.  But because of extreme diversity of the land the people who inhibit the land are diverse.  These people have their own way of living and have their own individual cultures and languages.  Origin of Chinese is not known.  John Caldwell Thiessen asserts that, "the people have assumed that their forefathers four or five thousand years  ago lived in the valley of the Wei River and the neighborhood of the present Siking (or Sian, capital of Shensi Providence)."3   

The Han Chinese are the most important people in China.  According to Jacques Gernet, "These people amount in all to nearly one thousand million human being.  Their distribution is unequal.  They are in the majority in the twenty-one provinces which form China proper--to which should be added the island of Taiwan--and occupy a continuous geographical area of about 4,600,000 square kilometers(1,775,000 square miles), an area as large as Europe up to the frontier of the U.S.S.R.." 4   

Chinese peoples are like the people of Europe, that they are the product of the constant intermingling of races.  This can  caused by wars, invasions or contact between neighbors.  Gernet continues, "Turkish, Mongol, Tungus, Korean, Tibeto-Burman, Thai, Miao, Yao, and Mon-Khmer strains have all contributed to the formation of the Han peoples; sometimes even more distant peoples from the borders of India, Iran, and South-East Asia have added their share.5   

And the ethnic groups from North China have also shared their portion.  It was done through intermarriage with the mountaineers of the Himalaya and the Tibetan plateau and with the simi-nomadic inhabitants of Tsinghai.  But South-west China (the provinces of Kweichow, Yunnan, Hunanm Szechwan, Kwangsi, and Kwangtung) there are still very numerous non-Han people compared with some other provinces.   

Non-Han minorities are Chinese citizens who live or belong to other nationalities.  They are amounted to over 45 millions in 1957.  In China, distinction between the Han and Non-Han Chinese are not sharply drawn.  Gernet continues, "Racial intermixture, borrowing from other peoples, assimilation--for example, some Han Chinese adopted the mode of life of nomadic shepherds, others that of the aborigines of South China, whole on the other hand certain racial groups in the southern provinces are now scarcely distinguishable from the Chinese--lead us to emphasize the capital importance, from a historical  point of view, of modes of life and of cultures."6

C. Religions 
Chinese have always been a religious people. Ralph R. Covell sees their minds as follows: "This strong tendency to live according to transcendental concepts antedates Confucius and his more `down-to-earth' humanism.  In the ancient classics a dominant idea was `heaven', a personified, supreme governing force in the universe, determining human fate and nature,  Heaven rewarded and punished human beings in accord with fairly well-defined moral norms.   

By the time of Confucius and Mencius this concept had become secularized and viewed as a more mechanistic type of power, although the personal emphasis continued in popular teaching." 7  Thus Chinese are known for their concern for human and its relationships.   

Religions in China are somewhat difficult to label.  They are not a real religion yet it is called the religion.  E. M. Bliss adds, " The Chinese had three religions and no religion, in the sense in which the term could be used in almost any other land...The Chinese was either Confucianism, Buddhist, or Taoism as he happened to choose, or even all three at the same time."8

Professor Raymond Dawson remarked: "Until modern times, when a word had to be coined to translate the term `religion', there was no exact equivalent for it in the Chinese language; nor was there even a general term for gods or supernatural beings." 9  Even Confucius and Taoism and Buddhism were not a religion, but a more of secular teachings.   

Professor Dawson continues: "Confucianism, Taoism and Buddhism were the `three teachings', and the first two were originally quite secular philosophies, the religious aspects of which were later derivatives." 10  It was early year of the Republic to reinstate Confucianism as an organized religion, which led the West to see it as a primary religion.   

In Chinese mind, there are two elements that are called taiji .  Apart from so called "the heaven mandate", Chinese scholar developed a highly schematized system.  This taiji is divided into two system: yin(negative) and yang(positive).  Yin is female and Yang is male.   

Yang represents the bright colors, such as red, white, and Yin represented the dark colors, such as black and blue.  Combined with the five elements: wood, fire, earth, metal and water the taiji provided a formula for interpreting all of life and its mysteries.  C. K. Yang explains this further: 

"By assigning moral significance to each of the factors of  Yin and Yang and the Five Elements, it was possible to work up a frame of reference by which to interpret the intentions behind the phenomena of the supernatural forces in the sky, the earth, the seasons, the crops, the governing of the state, the rise and fall of a dynasty, life and death, health and sickness, poverty and prosperity, divination, palm reading and physiognomy, and the moon to the intimate deeds of the individual's private life, all may be interpreted by this theory of Yin-Yang and the Five Elements; it deeply penetrated the minds of the common men as well as those of most Confucianists."11

 Many of Chinese's ritual life was deeply rooted in Confucianism.  Such as sacrifice was viewed both masses and the intellectual elites as a entreat the protection and blessing of the invisible spirit world.  But they used the function of sacrifice differently.  Covell continues: 

"Sacrifice, of course is a basic aspect of ancestral rites. Again, the common person and the `superior person' saw it as having different functions. The former believed that it provided for the continued welfare of the deceased, and sought by all means to be protected from any of the dead person's evil intentions toward the living.  The committed Confucian found the ancestral cult useful to cultivate kinship values like filial piety, family royalty, and     continuity of the family lineage." 12   

Thus Confucianism which is a rationalistic system with primary emphasis on ethics became terms with the religious element.  Flexibility of Confucianism made it possible to attract the life of common people.   

This paper will introduce some of key teachings of Confucianism, Buddhist, and Taoism. 

1. Confucianism: 
Confucianism is not so much a religion as it is a philosophical and ethical teaching.  It was founded by Kung Fu-tze(B. C. 551-479).  Confucius is Latinized form of his name.  He did not write his philosophy, writing was done through his disciples.  He became a wandering teacher and stressed a high ethical teaching. 

One of his main teachings was that the heaven is not an arbitrarily governing divine tyrant, but follow a universal law,which is called "Tao"(Way).  So people should also conduct themselves on earth according to the universal law. Another teaching had to do with an idea of family.  It is the patriarchal idea.   
According to this idea, the family is the cell of society, and the head of the family stands the eldest male adult as a sort of patriarch.  So the state is an expansion of the family.  Within the family there are many ties that goes one direction.  Father to son, and son had to obey the father unconditionally, husband to wife, again wife had no rights. Elder to younger and so on.  All relationship reflected the old cult of Heaven.  Chinese thus believed a strong family ties and its mandate from heaven.   

2. Buddhism: 
This religion originally came from India by Emperor Ming Ti in 67 A.D.  Buddhism attracted more people because of its belief in life beyond death.  According to Thiessen, Buddhism was first bitterly opposed, but eventfully gained its acceptance.  Thus China today, it is filled with Buddhist temples.13   

Teachings of Buddhism are complex and difficult.  One of the main teachings is called "Theravada Buddhism".  It deals with achieving a salvation by oneself.  K. K. S. Chen wrote this doctrine as follows: "This aspect of Buddhism described in the forgoing is called Theravada Buddhism , Doctrine of the Elders.  It is  essentially a discipline which an individual practices in order to achieve salvation for himself by himself.  The merit that he accumulates as he lives the religious life is applicable only to himself and can not be transferred to  others.  In Theravada Buddhism the individual who achieves  this goal of salvation is called arhantship  Because of this  goal of arhantship is attainable only by the few who have  the stamina and will power to live the strenuous religious life this aspect of Buddhism is sometimes called Hinayana , or Lessor Vehicle, by its critics."14

And there is another teaching that is important to Buddhism.  It is Karma (fruits of actions) and rebirth.  A person will be reborn endlessly in the ceaseless cycle of existence in accordance with his fruits of actions(Karma).  According to Chen, "Karma of past, a living being will undergo repeated rebirths and assume a different form in each birth."15   

One has to carefully follow his or her intuitive wisdom, in order to achieve salvation and Nirvana(where Karma and misery cease).  And there are mental discipline, moral conduct, and faith and emptiness teachings of Buddhism that can be very complex.  These are some of Buddhist teachings that Chinese have been influences in centuries.  Then there is "Taoism", another religion that influenced Chinese' mind.           

3. Taoism :
According to many scholars, Taoism is both philosophical teaching and religion.  As a philosophical discipline, it is more of abstract teaching of nature as one.  Man, according to D.C. Yu "is a creature of nature and nature and teaches that instincts, feelings imagination, fantasy, and idiosyncrasies should be allowed to have free exercise, in contrast to Confucianism, which views man as a rational and moral creature who owes obligations to society and the state.  Philosophical Taoism also believes that the natural world and the Tao are essentially one, in contrast to Chinese Buddhism, which views the natural world as only the manifestation of the metaphysical entity called`emptiness'".16   

Thus, philosophical Taoism is somewhat other extreme of two major religions in China.  It gives people a sense of responsibility to themselves on their life.  Religious Taoism is more mysterious and sacred than metaphysical Taoism.   

In religious Taoism, people worship the Tao (the Way).  They invoke sacred power and blessing for the community and individual.  M. Levering said, 
"They are esoteric, for their full traditions are transmitted only to an initiated priesthood.  They are characteristically messianic or eschatological, envisioning     an immanent or accomplished end to the old order and the coming of new age of the role of Tao.  Their messianism is sometimes `this worldly' seeking political or military achievement; as there times messianic goals are sought in another world.  They are ethical, teaching in simple precept the demand of Tao for moral self-restraint, humility, and  unselfishness.  They teach that transgressions are punished, that penitence and confessions are efficacious, and that     there are terrible consequences of moral depravity that seeks to profit at the expense of others.17

Religious Taoism is some what paralleled to Christianity in a sense that we also have a anticipation of coming of Messiah Jesus Christ.  These are some of major philosophical and religious teachings that Chinese are influenced by and identify with themselves.  With these backgrounds, this paper wishes to move to next chapter, which deals with the twentieth century situation in China.   

D. Language 
The Chinese language is one of the widely spoken languages in the world.  We can distinguish between spoken and written language.  The most prevalent form of spoken language is mandarin.  It surpasses all other tongues that are spoken in the daily affair of life.  Even though the original spoken language is doubtful, it is considered with one of a group of Siamese, Tibetan and Burmese.  It is true the Japanese have taken many words from Chinese.  Korean and Annames also borrowed many from Chinese.   

Written language is acceptable literary medium of an even larger proportion of the world's population.  Chinese characters conventionalized pictures of objects.  And some are attempted to put ideas into picture form.  The written language helps avoid misunderstanding of unfamiliar passage when it comes only thorough the ear.   

The literary language contains fewer words to express the same thought than the vernacular.  There are many difficulties in Chinese language both spoken and written form.  These difficulties were affected also by missionaries, who attempted to translate many biblical terminologies. 

Chapter III : BACKGROUND OF CHINA IN 1920-49. 

A. Political
The traditional Chinese political system was more of theory, combined with practice of authoritarian.  On the top of the system there was the emperor, who was called the Son of Heaven.  He subjected to no one and had absolute power over his dominion.  However, he needed a support not only from his family, but also from his gentry and the civil officers.   

Many of these gantries were highly educated and landowners.  And the gentry had a power to bring about the fate of dynasty.  Harold C. Hinton stated that, "the gentry had a corporate identity and a grip on civil office holding that enabled it to survive the rise and fall of dynasties and on occasion to make or break them." 18  Of course this cycle of rise and fall (it is called the dynastic cycle) were determined by the gaining and loss of the mandate of heaven and support of people.  And this fate was based on the morality or immorality of the rulers of the period. 

According to Li Chien-nung the political history of China in the past hundred years can be divided into three major periods.  He said, "The first begins with the Opium War and ends with the Sino-Japanese War of 1894.  The second starts in 1895 and the revolution of 1911.  The third covers the foundation of the Republic of China and the Northern Expedition launched by the Kuomintang from Canton in 1926." 19  The third period, which is our interest presented a struggle of various revolutionaries groups against the remaining officials of Manchu regime and war lords.      

The ancient empire finally came to an end with the establishment of the Republic of China under Dr. Sun Yat-sen on February 2, 1912.  Atmosphere of that time was almost a continuous struggle.  Franz Schurmann describes the situation as follows: "If there is one word to describe China since 1911, it is revolution.  Revolution is the sweeping away of an older order--an economy, a ruling class which only exploits, and a system of social organization which no longer satisfies men."20   

There was continual civil war, insurgence of Communism and fighting between soldiers and bandits, and war with Japan in 1937(it actually began before that date) made governing nearly impossible in China.   

By 1920, China's Manchu Dynasty was completely overthrown. Sun Yat-sen lost power to newly elected General  Yuan Shin-k'ai.  There have been the May Fourth Movement in 1919, which the students of Peking, Shanghai and other cities demonstrated against their leader for their cowardice act toward Japan.  But most crucial event was a rise of communism.   

In 1921, the Chinese Communist Party(CCP) was organized.  Death of Sun Yat-sen in 1925 Chiang Kai-shek led the Kuomintang.  Kuomintang , which was found by Sun Yat-sen was a political party that attempted to solve many problems in ill China.  General Chiang Kai-shek led a famous Northern March from Canton to the Yangtze Valley to reclaim China from warlords.  Shortly after the expedition, the Communist party broke out in the midst of Kuomintang.  It surprised Commander Chiang Kai-shek and his party.   

Professor Schurmann described a reason for the Communist party: 
"Like the Kuomintang, the Chinese Communist Party was born of intellectual ferment. It appeared much later on the scene of Chinese history and took its analysis and solution of China's problems from the example of the Russian Revolution.  The Communist agreed completely with Sun Yat-sen and the Kuomintang that the foreigners must be thrown out the warlords annihilated; but they went a step further.  They  asked: For whose benefit should China be reorganized?  They     answered: For the Chinese peasant himself.  To accomplish this it was necessary not only to achieve all the aims of  the Kuomintang, but to go further, to smash in every village the shackles of feudalism that chained the peasant to the Middle Ages."21

Unlike the Kuomintang, the Chinese Communist Party(CCP) was a radical form of resistance against the present regime.  The poor and common Chinese were agitated to united together to fight the war lords and the imperialists.  These propaganda paved a way for the continual growth for the Chinese Communist Party. 

In 1926, General Chiang Kai-shek with his military the Nationalist Revolutionary Army launched a coup against the Chinese Communist Party(CCP) at Canton.  The Nationalist Revolutionary Army under general Chiang Kai-shek repressed the Chinese Communist Party.  However, China was not at peace.  There were constant threat of communism, foreign invasion and revolt.  According to professor Schurmann, "Chiang Kai-shek's break with the Communists in 1927 had a decisive influence on the future of the entire Communist movement in China." 22  Old urban revolutionary like Ch`en Tu-hsiu, and Li Li-san were replaced and Mao Tse-tung and Chu Teh now became leaders.   
It is interesting fact to know rise of Mao Tse-tung.  Mao Tse-tung was no doubt a man of charismatic personality.  Professor Hinton adds: "Mao's is a highly activist personality, although his activism is tempered by a capacity for flexibility and patience.23  

Mao Tse-tung was heavily influenced by Marxist-Leninist ideology.  His political thought ranges from anti-imperialism to anti-feudalism.  He was basically reacting against a formula, which had a force of manipulation.  Professor Benjamin I. Schwartz said: "Essentially, the Maoist strategy involves the imposition of a political party organized in accordance with Leninist principles and animated by faith in certain basic tenets of Marxism-Leninism into a purely peasant mass base."24  

His political leadership ideology can be stated as follows: 
"In all the practical work of our party, all correct leadership is necessarily `from the masses, to the masses.'  This means: take the ideas of the masses (scattered and     unsystematic ideas) and concentrate them (through study turn them into concentrated systematic ideas), then go to the masses and propagate and explain these ideas until the masses embrace them as their own, hold fast to them and  translate them into action, and test the correctness of these ideas in such action."25 

One of his ideologies was the mass campaign.  For him, whole population has a purpose and responsibility.  This was one of the reasons why Mao Tse-tung and his Party attracted so many common people.   

The Nationalist Revolutionary Army, which was headed by general Chiang Kai-shek had another problem to deal with.  It was a threat of Japanese invasion.  Japan occupied Manchuria in 1931.  There were many different reasons why Japan took interest in invasion.  Professor Schurmann cites several reasons.  One was that "the Japanese were also deeply disturbed over the continued Communist threat in China."26  General Chiang Kai-shek's inability to stamp out the Communist and inevitable signs of China might fall under communism and eventual threat prompted Japanese to invade China.   

Another reason was that many Japanese thought that their future was depended on expansion.  Again professor Schurmann gives a detail: "The Japanese people did not regard Japan's invasion of China as militarism for its own sake.  Using a rationale similar to the Nazi's in Europe, there were many men in Japan who believed that their country's future depended on expansion."27  Whatever the reasons were Japanese invaded China and caused another disturbance on her.   

However, war with Japan was fought by the communist and not by the Kuomintang.  For Kuomintang, they thought that the war will only bring more disaster for her people, since they believed that the Allies including the United States will win the war and Japanese force will fall eventually.  In 1945, Japan surrenders to the allied forces and retrieves from China.   

By this time, it was well documented that the Kuomintang China was corrupted, disorganized, and rejected by large segments of its people.  Only thing left for China was eventual victory for the Communist Party.  Finally, general Chiang Kai-shek and the Nationalist government take refuge in Taiwan in 1949.  The Chinese Communist Party renamed the country to the People's Republic of China in Pecking on October 1, 1940.  These are some of brief and general political history in China during 1911-49.  This paper will continue to take a look at some of economical situation during this period. 

B. Economical: 
Now the new Republic was found but the problem of foreign influence was greater than ever.  Fairbank remarks the change as follows: "Anyone comparing the Chinese Republic of 1912-49 with the late Ch'ing period that preceded it or with the People's Republic that followed will be struck by the degree of foreign influence upon and even participation in Chinese life during these years."  Even though the term "foreign" seems ambiguous and misleading often times in case of China, professor Fairbank extracts a definition: 
"We must distinguish the actual foreign presence. There were many foreigners within the country--scores of thousands residing in the major cities, most of which were treaty ports partially foreign run; hundreds were employed by successive Chinese governments; and several thousand missionaries were at stations in the interior.  Add to these the garrisons of foreign troops and foreign naval vessels on China's inland waterways, and we can better imagine the `semi-colonial' aspect of China under the unequal treaties that continued to give the foreigners their special status and privileges...by any definition it had many of the features of a self-contained sub-culture transplanted and flourishing symbiotically in Chinese surroundings.  From this picture of the foreign establishment with its own way of life we can understand why the Nationalist Revolution of the 1920's erupted in anti-imperialism.  The imperialist presence served as a target for a more unified revolutionary effort. 

However, this revolutionary represented another foreign influences.  It had foreign helpers.  Sun Yat-sen's Kuomintang was organized in Japan.  Most of its financial support came from foreign administrations in Hong Kong and Shanghai.  Thus, foreign influence in China was difficult to sort out nor point.        

Economic trend during this period also reflected how foreign influences brought about a political outcome.  It did not brought any real significant changes. According to professor Albert Feuerwerker, "the year prior to 1949 saw no `take-off' towards sustained growth of aggregate output and the possibility of increased individual welfare that might accompany it.  At best, the great majority of Chinese merely sustained and reproduced themselves at the substance level to which, the callous might say, they had long since become accustomed.  In the bitter decade of war and civil war which began in the mid 1930s, the standard of life for many fell short even of that customary level."   

It was indeed a slow economic growth.  Foreign trade was relatively unimportant to the majority of the population, and many of new products from abroad did scarcely affect the quality of life.  The pattern of high birth rate continued to persist and it contributed to a hardship for many rural China particularly.   

But small modern industrial and transport sectors continued to produce, and they contributed an impact on her economy.   

The small industries and technical skills and its workers and managers provided a base for the People's Republic's future.  Prior to 1949, most of Chinese economy can be described as consisting of a large agricultural, or rural sector.  It occupied approximately 75 percent of the population and the rest of it belonged to much smaller non-agricultural sector.   

The rural sector mainly produced the agriculture, which constituted 65 per cent of national output and the handcrafts, and other petty trade.  The urban sector was also closely tied with the agriculture and located mainly along rivers and railways, which leading to the ports.   

A typical landscape was covered with many houses that were arranged along one or more streets.  People lived within sight of another.  There were also protective walls that defined different surnames and villages.  But many times this boundaries were indeterminable through many of land and commercial transactions.  So it was common for many land owners to live one area and live another area.   

This indeterminacy of village boundaries began to change when government levied a tax in the villages.  Prior to 1949, government was unable to penetrate into the basic natural units of China's traditional economy. Household and village were natural units and was not imposed by the state as a revised system until the 1920s onward.  It was after 1920 that registration and police system revived and effectively utilized.  Non-agriculture or urban did not imply `modern' in today's sense.  At the beginning of the nineteenth century, 3 or 4 per cent of the population lived in cities.  These cities with few exception were primarily administrative centers, such as national capital, Peking and major provincial capitals.  Some important regions were like Nanking, Soochow, Hankow, Canton, Foochow, Hangchow, Chungking, Chengtu and Sian.  These cities were the loci of the highest officials of the empire, the major military garrisons, and home of the wealthiest merchants, and artisans.  Also there were many non-official gentry and merchant added to their population.   

Gradual establishment of a foreign presence in China in the mid nineteenth century onward added modern economic, political and cultural into the traditional China.  According to professor Feuerwerker: 
"The total number of urban residents grew slowly in the course of the nineteenth century, at a rate not much grater than total population growth; and then more rapidly between 1900 and 1938, at almost twice the average population  growth rate.  Cities with population over 50,000 in 1938 included approximately 27.3 million inhabitants, 5 to 6 per cent of a total population of 500 million.  These same cities had perhaps 16.8 million inhabitants at the turn of  the century, 4 to 5 per cent of a 430 million population. The difference suggests an annual growth rate for all large cities of about 1.4 per cent.  China's 6 largest cities--  Shanghai, Peking, Teintsin, Canton, Nanking, and Hankow--  however, were growing at rates of 2 to 7 per cent annum in     the 1930s." 

Many of these cities including many other cities formally opened to foreign trade by the start of the First World War.    

And Chinese firms, which specializing in foreign trade made their appearance parallel to the coming of the foreign companies.  However, most part of Chinese firms remained to the treaty ports. 

This paper will continue to focus on the subject of economic.  especially in agriculture.  Because the Christian Reformed Church mission focused on the agriculture as one of the holistic missionary methods.   

Agriculture: 
China's economy during the Republican era as in the past was undoubtedly agricultural.  According to professor Feuerwerker: "Net value added by agriculture in 1933 was estimated at Ch. $18.76 billion or 65 per cent of the total net domestic product.  This output was produced by 205 million agricultural workers, 79 per cent the labor force.   

Only  small changes in these percentages occurred between 1912 and 1933, although after 1933 the rapid industrial growth in Manchuria made the share of agriculture decline somewhat more rapidly than in earlier years."  These are some of the charts of agricultural output. 






                                             Output of the several sectors of agriculture, 1933 
════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════                                           
                                                                     Gross value-added                                               (billion Chinese $)                                                                                                                  ────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────   
 Plant products                     15.73 
Animal products                    1.37 
Forest products                      0.60 
Fishery products                    0.41 
Miscellaneous products      1.07                                                                                                            
Total                                        19.18
Less depreciation                 0.42                                                                                                                                 
Net value-added                 18.76                                                                          ══════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════   
Source: Albert Feuerwerker, p. 64.         


                                                                                                                                                                                                    

                                         Gross value of farm output, 1914-1957(billion 1933 Chinese $) 
════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════                            
                                                                           1914-18               1931-7        1957                        
                                                                          (average year)    
──────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────── 
Grain                                                                9.15-10.17     10.31-10.96       12.32 
Soy-beans                                                                 0.43                  0.66            0.78 
Oil-bearing crops                                                    0.51                 1.13              0.77 
Cotton and other fibers                                        0.78                 0.86              1.28 
Tobacco, tea and silk                                              0.49                0.52              0.32 
Sugar-cane and sugar-beet                                  0.11               0.11              0.14 
Animals                                                                       1.14               1.40              2.74 
Subtotal                                                                    13.63            15.65            19.36 
Other product                                                           3.40              4.14              4.91 
Total gross value                                        16.01-17.03     19.14-19.79       24.27 
Per capita (Ch.$)                                              36.1-38.4         38.1-39.4         37.5 


═════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════
Source: Albert Feuerwerker, p. 64. 

According to professor Feuerwerker, "until 1937 the total output of agriculture kept pace with the growth of population (from 4430 million in 1912 to 500 in the mid 1930s).  The per capita value in constant prices of farm output in 1931-7 was about the same as it had been in 1914-18 (table 12), reflecting an output increase of slightly less than 1 per cent a year."33

China's agriculture during 1914-57, there were increase of potatoes and corn by 16.4 per cent and the production of rice 5.8 per cent.  These changes reflected a shift in cropping pattern which yielded more calories per unit of land.  Thus land yielded more to a cultivation of cash crops, such as wheat, which was a cash crop in some areas of North China.  Following chart will gives us a better understanding of the physical output of plant products during 1914-57. 


                                   Physical output of Plant products, 1914-57 (1,000,000 catties) ════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════                            
                                      1914-19        1931-7          1957                        
                                     (average year)    (average year) 

──────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────── 
Rice                    147,610            139,110      173,600 
Wheat                 39,570                46,200       47,100 
Corn                     14,680               20,440       37,470 
Potatoes 
(grain equiv.)        7,060               15,280       43,800 
Kaoliang               23,750              24,680       20,030 
Millet                     22,180              27,680       23,330 
Barley                    18,090              19,440         9,300 
Other grain          10,370            10,940         15,170 
Total grain         283,300           319,960     370,000 

Soy-beans            10,970             16,860       20,100 
Peanuts                     4,540              5,250         5,142 
Rapeseed                 3,800              5,080         1,775 
Sesame                        670              1,810            625 
Cotton                     1,606               1,888         3,280 
Fibres                       1,410               1,350         1,290 
Tobacco                  1,590               1,830         1,220 
Sugar-cane          18,720             18,720      20,785 
Sugar-beet                 ---               ---                       --- 
Tea                               445                  399             223 
Silk                               406                  420             225   
═════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════ 
Source: Albert Feuerwerker, The Cambridge History of China , p.66.                                                                 

China's agriculture supported her people, sometimes even producing a small surplus above minimum consumption rate.  Yet, China did not escape a poor economy living standards for mass of the population.   

Compared with the United Stated, professor Feuerwerker states: "The average output of grain-equivalent per man-equivalent (one farmer working a full year) in China in the 1020s, however, was only 1,400 kilograms; the comparable figure for the United States was 200,000 kilograms--14 times as large.  Here was the essential reason for China's poverty: four-fifths of the labor force was employed in agriculture, and the technical and organizational characteristics of this industry were such that the value added per worker was strikingly low both in comparison with developed economies and with the modern sector of China's economy."34         

China's failing of economy was due to weakness of leadership and the exigencies of war and civil war.  And because of these factors, China did not exceeded 5 per cent of national product before 1949.  Professor Feuerwerker summarizes the agriculture during 1937-1949 as follows: 
"Quantitative treatment of China's agriculture between 1937-1949 is nearly impossible.  War and civil war put an end to even the modest collection of rural statistical data of the Nanking government decade.  The principle scene of fighting was North China, and it is certain that physical damage to agricultural land, transport disruptions, conscription of manpower and draught animals, requisitions of grain for the armies, and severely than in South and West China.  The prewar process of increasing commercialization was reversed, agricultural productivity and output declined, and commodity trade between rural and urban area was disrupted. Even by 1950, according to rural surveys made in the first two years of the People' Republic, some areas in North China had not returned to their peak pre-war output levels due to manpower  and draught animal losses, Both the harsh Japanese occupation and the great battles of 1948-9 left the south and west relatively unscathed, but here too manpower and grain requisitions by the military took their toll, and  runaway inflation from 1947 undermined the supply of foodstuffs and industrial crops to the urban areas.  The collapse of both the  rural and the urban economy of China was a fact  by mid 1948."35 

3. Social 

Since social background during 1920-49 is paralleled with a political history, this paper will focus on intellectual history, which one of them is a diminishing of old education and the missionary establishment.  These two topics will do the job well prior to the main body of the paper. 

1. Education: Rise of Intellectualism
From the early days of Confucius, Chinese regarded that learning is the root and branch of civilization.  Education determined the function of the state and the emperor was more exalted when he governed the great examination and encouraged education.  Chinese's education system was much differ from modern European system.  Professor E. R. Hughes describes some of differences in their education as follows: 
"Schools were not organized on lined familiar to the West, with teachers taking graded classes of children.  Neither the subject-matter of education nor the technique of pedagogy which had grown up generation after generation required such methods.  Schools were very much one-man affairs.  The boys went on each with his won task as allotted to him by the teacher, who, at the end of the day, checked over what had been done.  For the most part the subject of study was the Canon of the Classics, but by no means exclusively so.  There were all sorts of variation from district to district, or from one scholar family to another.  In some school history would be more studied, in others poetry, in others belles-letters.  But the Canon was the all-pervading and unifying influences, being both Bible  and the main Greek and Latin Classics and the legends of the  Saints and the rubrics of the Church all rolled into one.36" 

Mathematics was little taught, if taught at all.  Eduction was an highly intellectual one and emphasized on whole person's personality and moral character.  In practice, often times scholars and learned people were tied to the imperial policy.  The majority of the literati fell to the temptation of sycophancy and became officials at the imperial court.  Professor Merile Goldman said, "Since most intellectuals until the twentieth century were Confucian literati who had access to official positions, the majority upheld the status quo.  Nevertheless, in some cases, the literati were both participants of the ruling elite, those who dissented were often close to the centers of power."37     

Introduction of Western system was destined to break up the traditional order of education.  The old system of the civil service examination and old education system, which based on Confucius Classics were abandoned.  These teachings were replaced by science and skills from the West.  Professor Raymond Dawson says: "The old system of education and the civil service examinations, both founded upon the Confucius Classics,were steadily eroded, and enlightened Chinese began a wholesale and unreserved study of Western civilization in all its aspects.  Now not only sciences and skills were studied; the philosophy and literature of the West were also scanned in the hope that therein might be discovered the sources of that dynamic which had led to the conquest of nature's secrets and of so much of the earth's surface."38  

Professor Dawson cites two reasons for such changes in education.  One was a purely technological one.  Chinese saw that the West had a superior technology and mechanical skills.  And the other was a linguistic.  In China, with its great size, only a few elites had education.  It had many different dialects and written languages.  After the revolution of 1911, Chinese radicals attempted to adopt the vernacular  Chinese language.  Institutional  development  soon brought forth a major change in linguistic reform.  It was called pai-hua , the written vernacular.   

Chen Tu-hsiu (1879-1942), who studied in Japan and France and Hu Shuh (1891-1962) who returned from Cornell and Columbia promoted pai-hua as an essential tool both for modern thinking and for the bringing education to the common people.  And by 1920, the Ministry of Education prescribed the use of the vernacular language (pai-hua) in the schools.   

Western influence in Chinese education must include American schools.  These schools were found by missionaries.  There were boarding schools, colleges and universities that was sponsored by Christian organizations.  The Young Men's and Young Women's Christian Association also began to work during this period (1911).   

Y.M.C.A. and Y.W.C.A. drew most of their staff from America and their influences were deeply felt not only to students but also city organizations as well.  Professor E.R. Hughes adds that "these young, energetic men and women came as helpers and not as competitor, they were very popular, and in the matter of physical training and games were instrumental in arousing the interest of students.  The associations in the big cities became centers of citizen training schemes."39 

This influences reached into government after 1912.   

This paper will deal more with the Christian organization in the chapter IV.   

Catholic education did not make an impact on Chinese life or thought in the beginning of their mission in education.  One of the reasons was that they focused on their education only the children of Catholic family and the training of catechists and priest.  They did not really put effort on outreach education.  It was beginning of the twentieth century when the demand in Chinese scholar for Western learning that they began to think in terms of secular side to Christian education. 

Catholic educators set up the Aurora University in 1903 by the Jesuits society.  Then there was the Peking University, which was begun in 1925 by the American Benedictines.   

Secular education in China was greatly influenced by three Western scholars and educators.  They were professor John Dewey of Columbia University, Mr. Bertrand Russell form Cambridge and Dr. Paul Monroe, also from Columbia.  They came to China at the invitation of the Ministry of Education.   

Professor Dewey, an American educator was a liberal philosopher.  Professor Hughes describes him and his thought as follows: "Professor Dewey was the great apostle of philosophic liberalism and experimental methodology, the advocate of complete freedom of thought, and the man who above all other teachers equated education to the practical problems of civic-operation and useful living."40   

Dr. Monroe was known for his unique knowledge and experience of class-teaching and organization of technic in secondary education.  Mr. Russell came as the foremost exponent of a critical attitude of old system.  Their contribution on Chinese education was significant.  They provided a spirit and teaching which China needed most.  This let the Chinese educators to turn for advice to Western educators.   

Professor Hughes describes the circumstances as follows: "Dr. Dewey's message...the published form ran to ten editions within two years, and altogether we can see both in this and in the records of the educational conferences held in 1921 and 1922 that American influence was very powerful at this time."41   

The effect of the Nationalist Revolution in 1926 to 28 changed an education system significantly.  The Second Convention of the Nationalist Party in January 1926 laid down following rules for education: "there must b;e emphasis on education, and it must be made revolutionary and proletarian, with special emphasis on the extension of mass-education, whilst the nationalist administrators must also make positive efforts to recover authority in education."42  This change was followed by the Anti-Christian and Church propaganda, which attacked at the ally of imperialism in China.   

The revolution swept the country and the schools came under control of the Nationalist Party.  While the main curriculum was not interfered with, but they added the basis of the Three Principles of Democracy (San Min Chu I).  There were anti-foreignism feeling all over the China and this attack finally came to missionary and church schools.   

Mission schools were accused of being exploiting the youth and submitting them to the imperialist and capitalist.  Professor Hughes describes this way: 
"Mission schools were accused of catching the young life of  the nation at its most impressionable stage and inoculating it with other-worldly notions and ideas of universal love which, in the last resort, meant only `submit yourselves to the imperialist and capitalist who are exploiting you'.  On this ground compulsory attendance at religious services and classes in religious doctrine and history was denounced.  In a few providence the policy of the authorities was that     they would have no religious teaching at all, not even optional, whilst everywhere the weekly service in honor of Dr. Sun was insisted on, and a special teacher of the     revolutionary programme, a party member appointed by the local headquarters, had to be paid by the school."43 

These hostilities and conflicts were continued to raged.  Some mission schools were survived, and others did not survive the local opposition.  Some mission schools were closed by order of their trustees.  Main part, schools registered with the government and continued their work and to-day they are recognized as a part of the legitimate educational organization in China. These are some of background of Chinese educational system during the beginning of the twentieth century.  Another social background with tie with education was the May Fourth Movement.  It rose with the rise of intellectualism in China. 

2. May Fourth Movement (1919)
The background of the May Fourth Movement was a protest against the war lord's unfair policy and selling out the interest of the nation.  On May 4, 1919, students in Peking demonstrated in protest against the Chinese government's humiliating policy toward Japan. This demonstration resulted series of strikes, social ferments and intellectual revolution.   

However, the term `May Fourth Movement' is somewhat broader and general.  Professor Chow Tse-tsung gives us a general definition of the term. 

"It(May Fourth Movement) covers the period roughly from 1917-1921 and includes the events summarized briefly as  follow.  Supported by the rising patriotic and anti-Great power sentiments of the public which had been ignited first by the Twenty-one Demands of Japan in 1915 and then by the Shantung resolution of the Versailles Peace Conference in 1919, the students and new intellectual leaders promoted an anti-Japanese campaign and a vast modernization movement to build a new China through intellectual and social reforms. They stressed primarily Western ideas of science and democracy.  Traditional Chinese ethics, customs, literature,     history, philosophy, religion, and social and political institutions were fiercely attacked.  Liberalism,  pragmatism, utilitarianism, anarchism, and many varieties of socialism provided the stimuli.  The protest of May 4 marked the pivot of these development.  Its aim soon won sympathy  from the new merchants, industrialists, and urban workers, and the Peking government was forced to compromise in its foreign and domestic policies."44 

As one can see the movement did not remain on particular area, but was involved whole China.  Some call it as a national renaissance of liberation, and for others, it was a national catastrophe.  Whatever the label people might associate with, the movement was indeed pushed China further into a modern nation. This paper will deliberately focus on student's action of the movement.  This particular movement will fit more with intellectual movement as well.   

In order to understand the sentiment and idea of the May Fourth Movement, it is necessary to trace some of its background.  There were two groups that reacted toward the Japanese policies toward China.  One group was a reaction to modern imperialism, which consisted of literate as well as illiterate people, and another group was those who suggested various reforms for the modernization of the nation.  This group was mostly young Chinese intellectuals.   

After the World War I in 1915, Japanese presented the notorious Twenty-one Demands.  If accepted by China, it would place China under a virtual Japanese protectorate and eliminate her independence. Negotiation between China and Japan followed and last  many months.  On May 7, 1915, Japanese presented China with an ultimatum, that demanded she accepted the demand without amendment.  According to professor Schurmann, "The Western powers were now at death grips with each other; they had need of Japan.  America, who could have acted, was not prepared to intervene on a large scale."45  And president Yuan Shih-k'ai received little help from the divided and hostile European powers.  President Yuan helplessly accepted the demands on May 9, at 1:00 p.m.  And all the terms set by Japan's ultimatum were concluded on May 25, 1919.   

Japanese imposed a censorship and suppression when Chinese newspaper unanimously protested the demands.  Hostility between two nations grew.  Chinese public grew their indignation along with intelligentsia.  Signs reading "Don't Forget the National Humiliation' could be seen all over the China.  Nationalism grew and many believed that in order for them to survive it was necessary to resist foreign aggression.   

Professor Chow says, "This feeling was reflected in later years in the cry `Externally, struggle for sovereignty', which was later often replaced by `Externally, resist Great Powers'.  It became one of the two leading slogans in the May Fourth Incident."46 

Because of threat of outside pressure, a spirit of national unity prevailed in China.  This feeling for a time being consolidated a power between Yuan and his opponent, namely the Kuomintang.  Professor Chow describes internal political situation as follows: "Yuan's attempted to restore the monarchy warned the warlords and the traitors had to be eliminated.  This feeling grew and formed later the second of the two prevalent slogans in the May Fourth Incident, namely, `Internally, throw out the traitors'."47    

But president Yuan Shih-k'ai's main interest was not on new reform, but to return to old regime. Professor Jacques Gernet saw that, "conditions tended all the more to favor a crumbling of authority in that Yuan Shik-k'ai was subject to pressure from Japan and induced to yield to this pressure, ipso facto alienated a large part of public opinion."48  

However, there were strong resistance movement against Yuan's regime and many small societies were formed to confront the aggression.  There was a boycott against Japanese goods and despite the pressure from both Yuan and Japanese government, the boycott spread very rapidly.  Professor Chow remarked that "Japan's export trade to China suffered an unprecedented loss during the period of severest boycotting."49 

The reformed movements of modern China were not only stimulated by the peasants but students as well.  This included Chinese students from various countries.  But in earlier period, most of its leadership came from those who did not influence by the West.  Professor Chow said, "But contrary to the later pattern, almost none of the Chinese students who returned from the West in the late Ch'ing period joined the reform movement which were developing in China."50  Initiative and leadership were came form those who did not understand Western languages.    

By the time of the May Fourth Movement, whole new departure in ideas and activities were often associated with the students, who were returning from abroad.  Professor Chow continues: "The pattern of reform current in China in the second half of the nineteenth century were, insofar as they were inspired by the West, set, for the most part, by the social and political thought of the predominant power, Great Britain."51 

Chinese students who were studying in abroad, especially in the United States had two different views about the Japanese's Demands.  One group of Chinese students were indignant, and even wanted to spend their summer vacation in the military camp, which conducted by the U.S. War Department.  Another group took more calm view of the situation.  They chose to wait, and do what they came to do: study.   

Editor of the Chinese Student's Monthly , organ of the Chinese Student's Alliance in the United States of America, Hu Shih wrote an open letter to all Chinese students pleading for patriotic sanity.  His letter said: "It seems to me that the right course for us students to take at this moment and this distance from China, is this:  Let us be calm.  Let us DO OUR DUTY which is TO STUDY.  Let us not be carried away by the turmoil of the newspapers from our serious mission.  Let us apply ourselves seriously, calmly, undisturbedly and unshakenly to our studies, and  PREPARE OURSELVES to unlift our fatherland, if she survives  this crisis--as I am sure she will--or to resurrect her from the dead, if it needs be!... This final solution of the Far Eastern Question is not to be sought in fighting Japan at     present nor in any external interference by any other Power  or Powers;...The real and final solution must be sought somewhere else--far, far deeper perhaps than most of us now  suspect.  I do not know wherein it lies; I only know wherein     it does not lie.  Let us study it our calmly and dispassionately."52

Hu Shih's open letter stirred up a furious argument among the students.  He was denounced as a traitor by his fellows.53  Hsu-jun Kwong, the editor-in chief of the Monthly, who later became a diplomat, replied with a lengthy article in answer to Hu Shih's non-resistance doctrine.  He regarded Hu Shih's approach as "based on the teachings of Lao-tzu, Jesus and Buddha."  He continues, "In some dark corner of Suh Hu's thought, he seemed to agree with us that his interpretation of the doctrine of non-resistance is inadequate and has to be discarded sometimes.  In one place in his open letter, he says: `To resurrect her (China) from the dead, if it need be!' How is he going to resurrect China from dead?  By tucking under one arm the Bible and under the other some equality useful book, say  Browning, since Suh Hu seems more familiar with it than with any other book?  He must admit that force would be necessary to drive out the Japanese, if they once established themselves in China.  To resurrect China from the dead is a much more difficult task than to resist Japan before she comes in."54 

The debate over this question touched very controversy that would shape most of the activities of the new intellectuals during the May Fourth Incident.   Hu Shih continue to write the idea of literary revolution.  Professor Chow said that: "the Chinese literary revolution really began with the poetry revolution, which had been advocated in China for many years.  Almost all the political reformers of the Hundred Day's Reform of 1898 were young poets and some of them were leaders of the revolution."55 

While the Chinese students in the United States paid more attention to cultural and educational problems, students in Japan tend to turn other directions.   

Chinese government began sending her students to Japan in 1896 right after the Sino-Japan War of 1894-5.  Even though numbers were small in the beginning, but from 1901 to 1906 number of students grew rapidly.  Students who studied in Japan were provided  much of the leadership of the May Fourth Movement.  Professor Chow continues: "They furnished, in the main, the militant elements most of the leading creative writers of the new literature, and many of the revolutionary extremists including nationalists, socialists, and anarchists."56  They also included many officers and civil officers who opposed the May Fourth Movement.   

One of the reasons for sending students to Japan was to study military technique.  Japanese military schools maintained strict discipline and the cadets saw their superiors with utmost respect.  Many of the students who returned from Japan became China's warlords.  And they opposed to the May Fourth Movement most bitterly.  Another major effect of study in Japan was the introduction of anarchism and socialism.   

The socialism was accepted by several political parties.  Such as the Kuomintang and the Monarchist Constitutional Party.  Literatures on socialism was introduced, which was translated from Japanese.    

The Communist Manifesto was first translated by a Kuomintang member.  Socialism was well flourished in China.  But, unlike the Chinese students in the United States, many of the students returned from Japan and united with the students in China when they heard the news of the demands of Japanese.  They were more sensitive to Sino-Japanese relations because of geographically closer to the homeland.   

Professor Chow describes as follow: Chinese students in Japan  were in general more sensitive to Sino-Japanese relations and more emotional in reacting to them because they were both geographically close to their Chinese homeland and at the same time living in Japan where, in the circumstances, personal irritations easily inflamed national resentment."57 

In the mainland of China, there were several changes taking place around  university.  The reform was taking place at the University of Peking.  Name of the university has changed to the National University of Peking from Imperial University.  And there was a new establishment called New Youth.   

Professor Chow said,"The reforms Ts'ai Yuan-p'ei carried out the National University of Peking from 1917 on were as significant in the May Fourth Movement as Ch'en Tu-hsiu's establishment of New Youth...It was not until May 1898 that the university was actually established under name Ching-shih ta hsueh-tang (Imperial University), with Sun Chia-nai, the Minister of Civil Service, as chancellor, Hsu Ching-ch'eng as dean of the faculty, and a veteran American Baptist missionary, W. A. P. Martin, as dean of the Western faculty."58  Changes that were taken place were significant under the chancellorship Ts'ai Yuan-p'ei.   

In his inaugural address he said, "the aim of students coming to the university should be the pursuit of learning, not the acquisition of wealth or official promotion."59  This was a radical change from old education system, where getting an education meant eventual success or position at a government.  He reassured the change, he continued: "students should not regard the university as a substitute for the old government examination and recruitment system, not should they neglect subjects outside their own specialty."60  

The reform at Peking University also brought many changes to the students.  It permitted the coexistence of divergent opinions.  This change brought all kinds of background students and professors.  Professor Chow says: "Consequently, the faculty came to include persons with many diverse points of view ranging from well-known monarchists, conservatives, and reactionaries, to liberals, radicals, socialists, and anarchists."61  Policy of freedom in education made the university a public forum for many debates and battle ground for the old conservative and the new intelligentsia.   

In 1918, a group of the able students at Peking University established a magazine called New Tide (Hsin Ch'ao).  It bore the English title "Renaissance."  Professor Chow said the magazine adopted three guiding principles: "a critical spirit, scientific thinking and reformed rhetoric."62  When the first issue of the magazine appeared, it was received with welcome by the literary youth of the nation.   

One of the important things about the publication of the magazine was that the recorded members were students leaders in the May Fourth Movement, and they also played important roles in the rise of intellectual  social development  of modern China. These were some of the spirit that pervade the mind of university students, when the news of the Demands came.   

There were many causes for the May Fourth Movement.  According to Professor Chow, he said: "The immediate cause of the May Fourth Movement was the handling of the Shantung question at the Versailles Peace Conference.  Sino-Japanese relations had been China's most urgent and troublesome problem since the beginning of the World War I."63  Japan sent an ultimatum to Germany to demand the entire leased territory after she seized the area by force, because two German Jesuits were murdered by disbanded Chinese soldiers in Shantung.   

Japanese occupied Kiaochow and eventually the greater part of Hantung Providence.  Then finally Japanese presented the Twenty-one Demands to Chinese government.  At first, Chinese people hope themselves that "the Great Powers would redress this wrong in an equitable settlement at the end of the war." 64  

Soon their disillusioning mind came to reality, when they heard the disheartening news.  The news was that the Paris Peace Conference would give Japan Germany's place in Shantung.  Chinese students and public felt dejection and indignation.  Professor summarizes at least four significant outcomes from the movement.  He said: 
"In the first palace, with the establishment of the students unions in many schools, cities and provinces, they became a  well-organized body.  In the second place, the students secured the support of intellectual leaders such as professors, teachers, writers, and journalists.  Moreover, the student movement inspired these leaders to establish organized activities themselves.  True, educators had their own organizations before; but most of these were  purely professional in character...In the third place, the students awakened many political and social leaders to the fact that youth was a force to be reckoned with in any political struggle...Finally and most importantly, the students, inspired by the rising tide of national  consciousness, had seized `protest against pro-Japanese policy' as their battle cry."65 

Students' initiation of the march eventually flared up public sympathy of the whole public and there was a sense of unity.   

These were some background of the early twentieth century in China socially.  There were massive evolutions and revolutions which took entire China into new phase; dynasty to a republic.   

This paper wishes to focus now to a missionary movement during this period.   

Chapter IV : GENERAL BACKGROUND ON MISSIONARY AND THEIR ACTIVITIES 

A. Missionaries: 

1. Chinese Nationalism 
In China's nineteenth century, relations with the Western missionaries and their activities were mixed.  There was constant threat from North China, and at the same time the attackers were suppressed by a constant foreign influences.  Missionaries and their movements were finding themselves enter into a new era of opportunity.   

They were purchasing a land in many providence and increased their establishment of mission stations.  Missionaries were the largest single group that were temporarily resided in China.  Their activities were consisted of preaching an individual salvation and establish a Chinese Christian Church.  However, by the early 1920, many Protestants saw their manifold mission activities failed to establish a strong indigenous church.  Professor Fairbank attributes one of the reasons for such failure to foreign presence itself.  He said, "in fact that the very extent of the foreign presence might be a major obstacle to the achievement."66   

Chinese viewed that the missionary enterprise was a part of Western imperialism, and that the missionaries were no different from the diplomat, captain of gunboat and merchant.  Professor Stephen Neil said, "the missionaries tended to interpret rather liberally the terms of the treaty under which they worked, even in its Chinese form...Missionaries tended to interfere in lawsuits, and to use their influence with magistrates and others in favor of the Christians."67   

After the Boxer incident, which occurred in 1900 being a missionary in China was a dangerous job.  Because, "a fatal link was being forged between imperialistic penetration and the preaching of the gospel."68   

By the 1920's, with rise of nationalism midst of turmoil, missions activities were severely threatened by radical Chinese.  Professor Paul A Varg describes a volatile situation as follows: "Only the slightest spark was needed to convert these nationalistic and anti-Christian sentiments into an organized crusade."69   

In 1920, there were two incidents that helped set enmity against the missionaries.  It was a meeting in Peking of the World Christian Student Federation and the publication of a book titled The Christian Occupation of China , which published by the China Continuation Committee.  Both of these events were designed to battle against the missionaries.  The Young China Society sponsored lectures and promoted periodicals to defend against Western Christianity.  Dr. Hu Shih, who was an influential leader regarded Christianity as foreign.  He also down played Christianity as inconsistent with China's national spirit.   

According to professor Varg there are some responsibilities that missionaries must to accept as a part of discontent of Christianity among Chinese.  Dr. Hu Shih said, "The crude teachings of Billy Sunday and Aimee Sample McPherson provided him with illustrations of the vulgarities and lack of intellectual content of American Christianity."70  Professor Varg answers: "China's heritage of humanism with its dignity and openness to scientific teaching obviously had nothing to gain from association with Christianity, which was now fighting its last desperate battle for survival in the West."71 

As we know by now that the nationalistic anti-Christian crusade had already acquired widespread support among many intellectuals and students.  One of their slogan against Christianity was, "According to their(Chinese) ideology religion was, of course, an opiate and a servant of the status quo capitalism, and missionaries were nothing more than the`running dog of imperialism.'"72 

Because of these kinds of hostility, many of missionary activities were either hampered or severely restricted.  Professor Kenneth Scott Latourette commented as follows: "The increasing civil strife and banditry, and the progressive breakdown of orderly government, which were the sad lot of China, could not but have an effect upon Protestant Christians, both Chinese and foreigners."73   

Missionaries were now being captured either by bandits or soldiers and often times missionaries were released on ransom or exchange pardon by the authorities.  Professor Varg describes a hazardous situation on missionaries and their family during 1922-30s.  He said: "Not since the Boxer Revolt had the missionaries faced such a critical situation as they did in the following year of 1927.  Hankow was the scene of violence as the year opened.  On January 3 a Chinese mob took possession of the British Concession at Hankow after the British troops retreated to ships on the Yangtze amid a hail of bricks and stones.  A few days later the British surrendered their concession at  Kiukiang under similar circumstances.  Conditions in southern China had seemed to improved as the more extremist leaders had gone north, but on January 14 Foochow was the scene of a wild outburst against a group of Spanish missionaries who were accused of murdering two infants whose corpses had been discovered.  Three days later soldiers and civilians joined in a general looting of mission property.  Two residents of the American Board lost three to four thousand dollars worth of clothes, bedding, typewriters, watches, etc.  The Y.M.C.A., a large Methodist church, an Anglican churches suffered heavy losses.  Two British ladies were driven through the streets by a mob."74 

British and American missionaries were in real danger and were advised to leave China.  According to professor Latourette, "By July, 1927, about five thousand of the approximately eight thousand Protestant missionaries withdrew said to be out of China, most of them in Great Britain and America, but some of them in Japan and the Philippines."75  However, many of those missionaries who left would soon return to China and would continue to work by the end of 1927.  Protestant missionaries were continued to grow in numbers and their activities were also carried out.   

2. The Sino-Japanese War (1931-1941) 
Another major difficulties that the missionaries were facing in China was during the Sino-Japanese War, which covers a period between 1931-1941.  Japanese invaded Manchuria in 1931.  According to professor Thiessen Japanese invasion was inevitable.  He said, "In the need to acquire additional territory for its rapidly expanding population, Japan began an undeclared war on China in september, 1931.  The aggressor nation was quickly in possession of Manchuria and the adjacent providence of Jehol."76 Professor Varg writes: "Japan was portrayed as a militaristic nation, callous to all humanitarian considerations, bent on China to a servile status."77  Many of European nations and the United States government were concerned about the invasion.  Their feelings of sympathy were out to the Chinese. 

Professor Stephen Neil described the invasion as follows: 
"The time of recite came to an end with the Japanese invasion in 1937.  Though technically Japan never declared  war on China, in  point of fact a state of war existed from 1937 to 1945.  The sufferings of the country were intense. The ruthlessness of Japanese methods brought grave losses to Christians as to others, in the destruction of mission property, in the deaths of many Chinese Christians, and in the overthrow of much promising work.  Yet this time to  gave new opportunities of Christian service.  Mission compounds were opened to the thousand refugees and wounded,  who were able to receive at least the minimum needed for sustenance and rudimentary medical care.  Missionaries,  along with their Chinese Christian friends, retreated before the advancing armies.  Many Christian schools and colleges started a new existence in western China, beyond the farthest reach of the Japanese; here the work of preparing for a better day through education and Christian teaching  went forward, and students continued to be baptized, both in mission colleges and in those for which the government was responsible."78      
During this crucial period, even Communist party won the acclaim of missionaries.  A reversal of opinion brought about impart by the Communists who now catered to the missionary.  Not many years before Chinese Soviet leaders had labeled the missionary as "running dog of imperialism."79  Communist party needed a favorable opinion in the West and they were willing to make the necessary concessions.  Missionaries, especially in North China were sympathetic to the Communists during the early years of the United Front, caught a glimpse of things to come by 1939 and early 1940.80   

Missionaries were among the most fervent supporters of an embargo against Japan.  This embargo would really hurt Japan.  And the neutrality legislation enacted by congress in 1937 was written with the intent that the United States government would keep out of war between China and Japan.  Professor Varg saw this policy as a mean to "keeping America out of war, not to give the president a weapon against aggressors.  Therefore Congress had provided that whatever the president found a state of war to exist he must cut off both belligerent from American supplies."81 Missionaries displayed their discontent toward their government for sending and helping Japan with war equipments and other equipment.  Professor Varg continued: "In February 1939 the Secretary of the Baptist Foreign Missions Board, J.W. Decker, a former missionary in China, told of a trip through the war-stricken country.  Everywhere he had been asked why the United States sold war material to Japan.  A Baptist missionary, in the spring of 1939, told her denominational brethren in the United States that all over China the cry was, `When will America stop assisting Japan by sending them equipment, and thus bring this terrible slaughter and destruction to an end?"82   

Missionaries were not deterred from such position, and eventually the question of embargo led to cause Japan to declare war on the United States.  In November 1940, a prominent Baptist missionary in China Rev. Charles L. Byynon gave following missionary opinion in China.  He observed that missionaries in China abhorred war and desperately desired peace, but, only peace with justice.  He wrote: "They believe that a critical stage has come in Far Eastern affairs where a strong embargo resolutely backed up by naval force, if necessary, will bring the kind of a settlement of the Far Eastern situation, which they consider essential in the cause of righteousness,  They believe that, like a surgical operation, this will be very painful not only to the Japanese but also to themselves, but that the interests at stake are so great that they should not count the personal cost."83 

Then there was missionaries who defended Japanese.  They were deeply influenced by their Japanese friends and were not persuaded by others.  One of them was William Axling, one of the best known missionaries in Japan.  He sought to justify Japan's deed.  For him, "West was responsible for Japanese expansionism."84   

For many years, West had closed the doors to Japanese immigration and place a trade barriers against Japanese goods.  Japanese sought a peaceful resolution to her people and economic problem, but the West had barred all her efforts.  William Axling wrote: "China today has become the battleground of a titanic economic struggle in which all the major nations are participating.  In the background of this Sino-Japanese crisis the great powers are maneuvering for the upper hand in China's vast and expanding market.  In this economic rivalry Japan is not only a participant but the target of contending forces."85 

Many missionaries in Japan voiced same concern with William Axling that they earnestly opposed war between the United States and Japan and warned against the United States' economic measure.  Many missionaries in Japan were complaining that they were suspected as spies.  One lady missionary who spent thirty years in Japan while coming to the United States said, "I feel like as if an iron jacket had been taken off of my soul."86  However, missionaries in Japan made some impact on making a decision by mission board.   

Professor Varg said: "There is no reason to believe that they had any significant influence on the general public's conception of the struggle.  But there is evidence to the fact that they helped neutralize the position taken by missions boards, who were anxious not to weaken their work in Nippon."87   

There were many missionaries both from China and Japan who sough to avoid the war.  By February 1940, according to professor Varg, "the American Institute of Public Opinion found that nearly 7 in every 10 favored shutting off the American export of war equipment to Japan, `even if it may cause further troubled relations between two countries.'  The poll also showed that American sympathized with China by a proportion of 37 to 1."88  Shortly, the Japanese bombs fell at Pearl Harbor.   

This paper will now focus on the holistic missionary methods, which used during the period.    

Chapter V : GENERAL VIEW OF HOLISTIC MISSIONARY METHODS 

A. Education 
Despite the trouble and unrest mission activities were carried out by both missionaries and their followers.  Education continued to rank as one of the major activities of Protestant missions.  And there is no doubt that the Chinese are care more about education than about religion. 

Educational work influence thousands of young Chinese.  A number of these mission students became in later life leaders in various fields of Chinese culture and politics.  However, the goal of traditional missionary was not to train secular elites.  Rather, "educational work was long looked on by most missionaries as auxiliary to and of decidedly less importance than more conventional means of spreading the gospel."89 

Prior to 1877 missionary educational program were severely limited and many times, they were short lived.  Then, between 1840-1877, there was a turning away from secular education  and emphasis on evangelization.90  When The Chinese Recorder in May 1877 published an article on education, it generally identified with evangelism. 

Educational situation during 1920 was focused around the growth of the phonetic script and a national language.  Professor Latourette cited that, "Many devices were employed to reduce illiteracy.  The National Phonetic Script was widely used in Mandrin-speaking district, and the phonetic Promotion Committee of the National Christian Council had as a motto: `Every Christian Bible reader and every Christian a teacher of illiterates"91   

These activities were favored by Chinese.  According to the International Review of Missions, "The Committee on Phonetic appointed by the China Continuation Committee, which is working in conjunction with the Government, was able to report in April a circulation of over sixteen million pages of phonetic literature during the preceding year.  Every elementary school is instructed to teach the national language, instead of or in addition to any dialect, the phonetic script being designed to secure uniform pronunciation."92     

As this paper mentioned in the Chapter I, the Chinese language has many dialects and its written forms were difficult to understand for many non-educated people.   

Then there was a Daily Vacation Bible School.  According to professor Latourette, it was "American in origin and had for its object recreation and religious instruction of children while the regular schools were not in session."93  Then there was a higher education, which came into existence through American financial support.  Some colleges and universities were established and existing ones were strengthened.   

B. Medicine 
Unlike educational work,  missionary medicine in China enjoyed continuous support from its earliest days.   Professor Fairbank cites an importance of medical missions.  He said, "Modern Western medicine in China was to an important degree a consequence of missionary demonstration and instruction."94  During 1890 and onward, missionary medicine reached its maturity and sophisticated professionalism.  Hyatt cites that this changes, "was due to chiefly to pressures generated by a rapid expansion in personal, plants, and services."95  There were also increasing in numbers of medical doctors, volunteers, and hospitals.  Medical missionary were better trained and equipped to handle patients.   

Dr. David Van Reken notes that, "Medical missionaries have not only received better training and become better equipped to handle the gamut of disease process, but they have been teaching these skills and methods to nationals."96   

In 1881, there were 34 missionary doctors in China; by 1887 the number of missionary doctors reached around 60, and by 1890 it stood at one hundred.97  The numbers of hospitals also grew from 16 to 61, and dispensaries from 24 to 44, and patients treated from 41,281 to almost 350,000."98 

The China Inland Mission also participated in medical mission in China.  One of their aims was have a good effective hospital and staff to make real difference in their medical work.  Hyatt cites, "C.I.M. leaders saw medical work as a sort of spearhead enterprise and kept their doctors on the move...the C.I.M. began to realize that `one good hospital' in a strategic location could `affect all the work in a province', and by around 1890 new C.I.M. doctors were being assigned whenever possible to centrally-located institutions rather than to `temporary' posts."99   

As patients increased, doctors had to abandon their non-medical duties and focus more on medical duties.  Prior to 1899, doctors were both physician and pastor.  But as their duties as a medical doctor, they did not have the time for being a pastor.  In practice, "it proved more and more difficult for one man to attempt both jobs."100  But C.I.M. praised Dr. Harold Schofield for his works.  Hyatt said, "The C.I.M. called Harold Schofield its `ideal missionary' and praised him as that rarest of missionary doctor--one whose devotion to evangelization matched his medical talents.  Dr. Schofield would work long hours in his Shansi hospital and then go out to preach--in streets, temples, and wineshops, wherever a hearing could be gained."101   

After death of Dr. Schofield, Hudson Taylor finally had to admit that doctors should make medical work their primary concern.  In 1890 conference on "Medical Work as an Evangelizing Agency" was in a sense formal acknowledgment of a change in policy of medical work in the old China Inland Missions. 

Medical work continued to show its growth and maturation in organization and professionalism, and at the same time  they received undisturbed support from the people.  They eventually made a special status in mission activities.     

C. Famine Relief 
In the late nineteenth century, missionaries were involved in work for the blind, the deaf, opium addicts, and orphans.  But many of these activities were gradually reduced or phased out, while effort made to mitigate the effects of famine in North China grew strong.  Many Western missionaries, who saw famine in China were appalled.  Hyatt notes the famine, "as an evil so appalling that there issues seem at first sight trivial."102  These missionaries saw the famine when they began to enter the interior and they started to establish a local relief center, and many of the such agencies practiced  generosity. 

There was a great famine in Shangtung in 1876.  And during following year it reached in Shansi in 1877-79.  This natural disaster brought starvation and deprivation.  According to R. H. Tawney, "it was the greatest famine recorded in history, and modern studies have placed death by 1879 as high as 13,000,000."103  Many of the missionaries were left their work and went to Shansi to help the distribution of foods and other necessities.  During this natural disaster, missionaries conducted several local relief projects.  Donor response was immediate and generous.  Many of the missionaries' efforts have been praised and encouraged.   

By 1890, once again famine relief work and parching became separated.  During the period of famine, these missionaries did not have the time for a preaching, and many of their normal duties were stopped until the famine work last.  Yet there were many missionaries who worked on the famine while preaching the gospel.  They were not an engineers, nor diplomat, but people of God, who wanted to get on with their kingdom work. 

This paper will now ready to move into the Christian Reformed Church's Foreign missions and its holistic missionary methods. 


Chapter VI : THE CHRISTIAN REFORMED CHURCH MISSION ON CHINA 

A. History of the Christian Reformed Church's Foreign Missions 
China mission in the ministry of the Christian Reformed Church officially began in 1920.  Beginning of the mission in China goes back to 1918.  The Synod of 1918 appointed Rev. Lee S. Huizenga and John C. De Korne as a committee to visit and inspect the two fields that were selected by the Synod.  These two countries were Central Africa and China.  These missionaries were under the direction of the Board of Synod. 

However, beginning of the foreign work had its difficulties.  It lacked a necessary fund and relevant information on foreign mission fields.  Dr. S. M. Zwemer who had just returned from Egypt and China gave the following report to the Board of Heathen Mission Committee that "our Committee should spend a few weeks in the Missionary Library in New York to reach definite conclusion."104  This recommendation prompted to take action against the decision of Synod.  The recommendation follows: 

"On the ground of what they ascertained, the Executive Committee, on Nov. 14, expressed as its mind that it  was not wise to carry out the decision of Synod, a) because it was of the opinion that all needed information about a new missionary location could be obtained in the United States;  b) because a tremendous expense would be involved, not alone the $5,000 or $6,000 needed for the trip, but a similar amount for the housing, maintenance and moving expense of     the families of the Investigating Committee, a total of some  $12,000; c) because Synod failed to provided funds for the undertaking; d) the fields to be visited were so large that a period of three or four months devoted to each field would  not suffice for a thorough survey."105 

The Executive Committee, not willing to shoulder the entire responsibility in this matter called a special Board meeting, which convened Dec. 5, and resolved to carry out the Synodical resolution in the following manner: "a) That the Board next June, in a tentative way, decide which on of the mission fields is to be selected for     personal investigation, and if deemed wise, for preliminary operations; b) That Rev. Huizenga and De Korne depart for that selected field as soon as after the June Board meeting;  c) That during the interval they continue their investigations and moreover, and especially, try to raise funds for the proposed undertaking by means of  speaking  tours and other efforts."106 
Rev. Huizenga and De Krone's enumeration was fixed at $1,800 per annum, with home and traveling expense.  The LaGrave Ave. Church of Grand Rapids was willing to pay Dr. Huizenga's salary.  Rev. Huizenga's biographer Lambert writes, "It was quite proper that the LaGrave Avenue Church should have been selected for this distinction because the members of its congregation had assumed his call as their missionary pastor and they had pledged his financial support."107   

Both Rev. Huizenga and De Krone worked hard to obtain their financial support, and their preparation for the mission.   Acta in 1920 continues to describe these two great men: "Since then, Revs. Huizenga and De Krone have visited nearly the entire denomination and obtained in pledges and ready cash considerable over $50,000 for the foreign mission enterprise."108   

At the same time Dr. Huizenga has labored a considerable part of the time while performing pastoral duties at Englewood, N.J., a place whose nearness to New York City enabled him to continue medical studies, and while Rev. De Krone continue to study Arabic in Grand Rapids, and taking other special coursed at the Kennedy School of Mission in Hartford Connecticut.109  These men also spent considerable time and energy to publicize the importance of foreign missions.   

War condition in Sudan prevented their entering and that the majority Board members preferred China above the Sudan.110  So the China mission officially began in 1920 by these two enthusiastic men of God.   

This paper would like to introduce some of backgrounds of the CRC's interest in China.   

The World War I recently ended (1918), and the United States and other Western nations were granted many concessions from countries who were either victims of the war or had raw materials for the industrialized nations.  For China, after the World War I, it gave a breathing space for her industries.  Professor Fairbank cites that, "the foreign powers became absorbed in World War I, and industry in China had a breathing space in which to develop in relative freedom from the pressure of foreign commercial competition."111  And it was during these times of developing of industries that the Christian Reformed Church mission began its foreign missions in China. 

In the United States in 1800's and through 1900's, there were great church revivals and awareness of missions.  Especially, the missionary enterprise of the churches is always in a measure a reflection of their vigor, of their wealth, and of that power of conviction, which finds its expression in self-sacrifice and a willingness for adventurous service.   According to professor Stephen Neil, "the second Evangelical Awakening, starting among laymen in America with an intense desire for individual and corporate prayer, crossed Atlantic, and awoke revival in many areas..."112   

These fervor also present in the Christian Reformed Church as well.  Church leaders, seminarian and even lay people joined promoting the cause of missions.  Dr. John Bratt describes a situation as follows: "Agitation for mission work outside the boundaries of the United States was manifest from the turn of the century on."113   There were several overtures that urged the Synod to direct the extension of its mission work in foreign land.   

In 1886, the Christian Reformed Church in America stopped her contribution to the mission out reach in the Netherlands.  And instead, she began to work among the American Indians.   

Within the CRC, there were constant debates and study committees that were battling over where to send her missionaries in broad.  The committee appointed three men to consider the possibility of work in South American China and Sudan and the Mohammedan world.  Three men were H.C. Bode, K. Fortuin and M. Van Vessem.114   Both Van Vessem and Fortuin published their conclusion in the Banner of April 1918.  Their conclusion was that the mission work should expand into Mexico from New Mexico and then through Central America and to South America.   

Some of reasons for the conclusion were: 
"1. Our churches have learned to labor among the Indians, and this experience points to the pushing on of that work. In furthering what is begun, it is but natural to cast an     eye on South America for extension. 2. It is by far the best opportunity to forge ahead gradually according to our ability. 3. To choose otherwise might lead to disaster for: a) We stand in danger of seriously dividing and weakening our forces b) Co-operation with others endangers our confessional character and authority, both of which are necessary for the teaching of the Word and for Discipline."115 

They also gave reasons why the Sudan and China and the Mohammedan world should be rejected as a foreign mission at that time. 

Banner dated May, 9, 1918 contained their reasons, it said: 
"1. We have begun to get our bearing in Indian work. 2. Our work should be independent of other churches. 3. God has given us in our vicinity fields ripe for the     harvest. 4. God in His providence points to the duty of extending our Heathen Mission as far as possible in connection with the work in New Mexico. 5. This extension is desired by the majority of our people. 6. For reasons of inspection, finances and work, it is most commensurate to the relatively small strength of our Church."116   

Rev. H.C. Bode's illness postponed his minority report.  Discussions between the pro and con concerning the Van Vessem and Fortuin proposal continued.  Rev. L.S. Huizenga, who was a graduate of Calvin Theological Seminary (1909) was a prolific writer as indicated and was deeply committed to Indian mission.  (He himself was a missionary to American Indian in New Mexico.)  He also wrote extensively in the Banner and De Watcher to encouraging the denomination to extend her missions into South America.   

Dr. Henry Beet was on the other hand, advocated her mission in Asia.  He was an editor of the Banner during this time.  One of his editorial, he urged the churches and the Synod to consider Asia rather than South America.  In May 1918, Rev. Bode finally submitted his minority report which urged the church to begin her foreign mission in Asia, especially in China.  His main points were: 

"1. China had a larger population compared to South America and was living under the same government and using same language. 2. China had an extremely low cost of living which would enable our churches' support to be of greater value. 3. The China Inland Mission had promised help in language study and in locating our mission within the nation of China. 4. There were several Chinese evangelists in China who were currently receiving support from individuals and  societies of the Christian Reformed Church.  5. The Chinese race was uniform. 6. The Chinese exhibited a higher moral condition. 7. China was an extremely literate nation. 8. China was a nation with teeming millions who had never heard the Gospel, whereas South America had been heavily influenced by the Roman Catholic Missions and was              thereby already heavily fortified by a competitive faith."119
According to Knoper, "when the Synod of 1918 met, they rejected both the majority report of Van Vessem and Fortuin and the minority report of Bode.  Their reason seemed one of confusion and ignorance."120   

The Synod wanted to know more about China and the Sudan, so they appointed Rev. Lee S. Huizenga and Rev. John C. De Korne to study and visit these possible fields and report back to the Synod of 1920.  They were also  given a task to raise $50,000 which to begin the work in the foreign mission field.  According to the Acta 1918, this would eliminate the difficulty which the early Missions to the Indians faced in the mission was authorized but there were no funds with which to begin.121 

After two years of investigating, Rev. Lee S. Huizenga and John C. De Korne presented the pros and cons with respect to each field.  Dr. Bratt cites, "In favor of initiating mission work in mid-Africa (the Egyptian, Sudan) they adduced the following consideration: 
"a) it is virgin territory.  With but one church active there (the United Presbyterian) and three missionary societies (the Sudan United Mission, the Sudan Interior     Mission, and the Church Missionary Society) the need is so great that...it is possible to block out forty squares, having an average population of a million, not one of which has a missionary; b) the Africa is emotional but impressionable; c) the United Presbyterian Church is urging us to enter the field; d) there were copious fruits in     recent years; e) it is a strategic area in view of Islam's  avowed aim to engulf the continent; f) if nationalism as a movement gains momentum the conversion of but one tribe may  prove to be decidedly influential; and g) such world missionary leaders as Canon Sell of Madras, Dr. Holland of Baluchistan, Dr. H.K.W. Kumm of the Sudan United Mission,  and Dr. Zwemer of Arabia are stressing the great importance of that field."122 

In favoring of initiating work in China, particularly the providence of Fukein they gave following reasons: 
"a) it has its own language and a body of rich literature; b) the community life is well-organized; c) the climate is healthful; d) there are good transportation and          communication facilities as well as facilities for educating the missionaries' children; e) it is of strategic importance  in current historical development; f) its people are          conservative and intellectual; g) mission work there has already received some Christian Reformed support; and h) the  Reformed Church of America invites us to share her work there."123 

Rev. Huizenga and Rev. John C. De Korne also gave drawbacks and disadvantages of the possible fields.  Again, Dr. John Bratt give details of the report, he writes: 
"In mid-Africa there are transportation and communication difficulties in that the Sudan is located some 1,500 miles from Port Said; there is no opportunity to educate the missionaries' children; the climate is far from ideal; and political complication may arise because of British control of the area.  These considerations, so they stated, militate against initiation of work in China; the language is difficult to master; there is a growing nationalistic consciousness and much anti-American feeling; political conditions are frequently fluids; and the large Protestant missions there frown upon the entry of small and weak undertakings.  As a result of their research and investigation the duo stated, `Our advice is that the synod decide to begin work in the Egyptian Sudan."124 

The Synod of 1920 finally decided the foreign mission field in China over Africa, because China had rich language, literature, and its healthful climate, and excellent transportation and communication facilities.   Acta Synod 1920 said, "the conservative and intellectual spirit of China agrees better with our genius than does the emotional mature of the native African."125   

Professor Henry Boer writes that "the Synod of 1920 chose China.  In doing so, however, and in rejecting the possibility of work in Africa, it permitted itself to be moved in part by racial and cultural considerations which in the second half of the century can be read with embarrassment and humiliation."126  Mark Knoper notes that "the rationalization of these grounds and the ludicrousness of their reality in the light of China's political history, climate, size, and the association of churches and educational available  to the children is from our viewpoint in history equivalent only to bigotry and ulterior motives,  It is impossible, however, to recapitulate all the influences and concerns that went..."127  

Details of the decision in 1920 was to worked out by the mission committee and Rev. Lee S. Huizenga and Rev. John C. De Korne and Candidate Harry Dykstra.  And they were named the first Christian Reformed Missionary to China.128 

B. Background of Mission Field 

1. Major events in early 1900's 
China during 1900, as indicated earlier chapters were already influenced by Western powers and missionaries.  Until the result of the Opium War of 1842-1860 and the Treaty of Nanking (1842), China was considered a closed land, but the Treaty of Nanking changed all that.  The Treaty of Nanking brought end to the war, and it secured for the Westerner in China a number of advantages.  Hong Kong was cede to Great Britain, and became a British colony,  It forced to open five `treaty ports', Canton, Amoy, Foochow, Ningpo, and Shanghai.  These ports were opened to foreign residence and trade.  According to Dr. Frank Houghton missionaries began to rush into China.  He said, "While regretting the means by which their opportunity was gained, we can hardly condemned the missionary societies which hastened to seize it and to occupy these ports.129   

There were no less than three American Missions began work in China during 1842, but by the turn of the century, there were 2,458 missionaries and 5,000 Chinese workers and 80,000 Christians and 34,000 children in Christian day schools.130  Missionaries were caught between the power of Western trade expansion, which had enormous authority and constant hatred attitudes displayed by Chinese toward the Westerners. Missionaries were indeed took advantage of ill treatment offered by their nations and consequence of that practice, riots were frequent. One of the consul authorities who complained against the missionary replied, "I wish you would stay at the coast; but, if you insist on travelling into the interior, I must protect you."131 Many of the Western authorities were considered the missionary as a nuisance.  Professor Kenneth Latourette give an encouraging statement about the missionary.  He said, "one of the most persistent sources of irritation between China and the powers was the Christian missionary."132     

However, in 1900 anti-foreign feeling from peasants broke out into a rebellion.  It was the Boxer Rebellion. The rebellion was waged directly against Christians, both Chinese and foreign.  Houghton described the rebellion as follows: "Anti-foreign violence was directly against Christians...in addition to 189 Protestant missionaries and their children, many thousands of Chinese Christians were cruelly butchered, though a denial of their Lord would in most cases have purchased a reprieved."133      Property damage-churches, schools, and private residences were enormous.  But an expansion of the missionary movement and of the Christian Church continued to grow for a quarter century.  This is some of the backgrounds that the Christian Reformed Church's missionaries were entering.   

B. The Christian Reformed Church Foreign Mission Field 

Rev. Huizenga  said, "they were bound for regions unknown and experience unknown."134  When Rev. Huizenga saw the glimpse of China he describes the sight as follows: 
"Early in the morning of November 23rd, we saw the  dirty water of the Yangtze-kiang meet us and China was in sight. This was the land we were to labor in.  The dirty water only in a very insufficient way sought to tell us seemingly of the filth we might expect and of the darkness of heathendom we were soon to be in.  As we entered the broad mouth of the Yangtze River we were surprised to see the number of foreign buildings along the shore and the billboards advertising     American and British merchandise.  Especially cigarettes and tobacco.  Your acquaintance with China is gradual.  As you get into the interior foreign things gradually disappear and     Chinese things loom up strongly."135  

The place they first arrived was Shanghai.  When they had arrived, they were joined by other missionaries.  At the time, Shanghai had a population over a million and a half, which exceeded every United State city except New York and Chicago and Philadelphia136.  The three missionaries were eager to start preaching immediately, but they were still far from  ready for such work.137   

Difficulties were they did not have a particular section of the country where they were to work, and other was their ignorance of Chinese language.  After they and their families comfortably settled at the Mission House, three men began to work with those, who were outstanding authorities on Chinese missions. On November 2, 1920, Rev. Huizenga and Rev. De Korne noted following in their minutes: "Resolved that we recommend to the  Board of the Heathen Missions that Fukien as a possible location for our China Mission be eliminated from our further consideration.  This action due to no room for expansion."138  But Fukien was not selected as a mission field, the province was later withdrew.    

Dr. Bratt also cites reason Fukien as an undesirable location for the Christian Reformed Church's foreign mission field.  He said, " It appears that the Fukien province had been promised to the Christian Reformed Church by the Northern Presbyterian Church of America but that offer had been later withdrawn...some difficulties were...on the score of the theological differences with existent liberal Protestant missions there."139  At that time, there were many liberal missionaries and they practiced liberalism in their mission methods.   

Finally, with a negotiation with the Southern Presbyterian Church, mission field was chosen.  It was in the Northern Kiangsu province, Jukao (pronounced Roo-gow).   Henry A. Dykstra gave following statement for recommending North Kiangsu field.  He said: "During the past years we visited various sections of China and by  means of materials gathered at the China  Continuation Committee's offices we became fairly well acquainted with the needs in the various provinces of China... Fukien was first eliminated because various unforseen factors made the field adjoining that of the Dutch Reformed brethren undesirable for occupation by our church...Next we directed our attention to the provinces of  Honan and Yunnan.  Honan, we soon learned , was well cared for comparatively, and the planting of another mission in Yunnan also did not seem feasible.  In the meantime we had made a trip through a field offered to us by the Northern Presbyterian Mission, but for various reasons this offer was  later withdrawn.  However, the invitation of the Southern Presbyterian Mission, given almost as soon as we set foot on Chinese soil, cam with ever stringer force, and when this invitation was finally made officially by the entire mission represented at Kuling, we decided to make a second trip through the territory in order that we might come to a decision.  The result was that we recommended this field to the church as the future mission field of the Christian Reformed Church."140 

Province of Kiangsu had a fertile soil, densely populated (city of Rukao and Jukao had over 100,000 population), and comparatively immune from banditry, and healthful climate and with easy reach of Shanghai, and most of all spoke Nadarin, the official language.  Another important factors that missionaries took into a consideration was that, "the Southern Presbyterian will be our neighbors in Taichow country.  These brethren are experienced missionaries and they are very desirous of helping us in very possible way.  Their advice may save us from many a costly mistake which we might otherwise make in our ignorance.  Their help will be especially valuable in the purchasing of the land, one of the most difficult factors in mission work.  These Presbyterian missionaries from the backbone of the     opposition against the liberal tendencies among the missionaries in China, and the establishment of the Bible Union in China is to a large extent due to members of this mission.  They are devoted to the Reformed standards, which we love, and it may be possible for us in the future to co-operate with them in various ways."142 

These were some of the reasons for choosing Jukao as the mission field.  And during this period, evangelist Wilhemina Kalsbeek joined three missionaries.  These missionaries continued to work with Chinese language and familiarized themselves with the culture and types of work they will be engage in.   

C. Starting a Mission 

1. Christian Reformed Missionaries in China 

Rev. Lee S. Huizenga and his family and Rev. John C. De Korne and his family were already in Jukao and began their mission work and language studies.  Soon, more missionaries and staffs have also been added to the mission work and they worked hard not only in their mission works, but also in learning Chinese language.  Rev. De Korne wrote home saying: "Early in 1924, the De Korne family might take possession of the new residence outside the east Gate.  Contracts were let for the Dykstra residence outside the east gate and for the Huizenga residence inside the city.  Miss Kalsbeek joined the Jukao force in February, and continued her language study at Jukao.  In March, a five year lease was signed for a building near the center of the city, suitable for chapel purposes.  In April, the welcome news came that the Rev. S. A. Dykstra had been appointed for service in China.  In May, the Mission could report the opening of the first outstation at Tingyen, about ten miles from Jukao city.  In the Fall of that year, the Rev. S. A. Dykstra, with Mrs. Dykstra and one daughter, Cornelia, arrived for service in China.  A little later the Rev. Albert H. Smit and wife and daughter Eunice strengthened our force.  Both families spent their first year in China at the Nanking Language School."143 
By 1927, miss Angie Hann, R.N. who came to Shanghai on October 15, 1923 was soon had to leave China due to her ill health.  But Rev. Nicholas DeVries, Rev. Richard H. Pousma and Rev. Albert H. Selles and Miss Lillian Bodearrived in Jukao to strengthen the mission work.  Rev. Pousma was to supervise the hospital while Rev. Huizenga spent his furlough in the United States. 

There were other mission works beside medical work, the Christian Reformed missionaries were engaged in building, education, and famine relief.  In education work,  miss Kalsbeek and several other women evangelists held an afternoon classes for children.  She wrote following letter to a reader of the Banner dated June 12, 1925, she said: 
"The visit to the schools was happier.  There is no more  attractive sight in all this than boys and girls and young  men and women happily studying.  The girl's school is one of  the most beautiful building I have seen in China, and the  school for boys is also attractive and well equipped.  The little day school was of special interest because a school  of that type is often the nucleus for educational work.  Hundreds of children of all ages and from all classes of society are reached through the Sunday schools held in  various parts of the city.  The phase of work which interested me most of al was that of visiting in the homes to instruct the women.  That kind of work is most necessary and effective for those beginning the Christian life.  Expecting in the homes, it is not easy to do personal work,  as the whole neighborhood is attracted by the sight of a  foreigner talking to a Chinese."144

Miss Kalsbeek's love for her work continued to show its impact.  She and miss Liu who was the wife of a Chinese doctor who has been a Christian for years were aided by some of their older girls and young Christians, were able to conduct four or five Sunday schools each Sunday, some of them numbers were ranging up to a hundred and twenty-five in attendance.  She really gave a fine performance also out-station work, Tingyen and Shuangtien as well. 

Mission work was also spread and shared with more than one missionary.  Rev. Albert H. Selles after completing a language studies, during 1930-31, the Smit family was on furlough, meanwhile Rev. Selles and his family took over Rev. Smit's assigned field.  Upon the return of the Smit family in 1931, they both went to Tsingkianghsien, a city much smaller than Jukao city and entire district had only about a quarter of a million population compared with the million and a quarter population in Jukao.  Soon, out-station work began due to small size of Tsingkianghsien city and this city was never intended to place more than one missionary family.146   

In 1933, the De Korne family went home for a second furlough, and the condition of Mrs. De Korne's health precluded her from return to China again.  Rev. Albert H. Smit took over the place of Rev. De Korne, and his responsibility in Tingyen and Shuangtien were turned over to Rev. S. A. Dykstra.     

Then there were also Miss Magdalena Koets, Mrs. Grace Pels and Miss Lillian Bode who were also gave their time and energy for the cause of expanding the Kingdom of God in China. Acts of Synod , 1938 noted that : "The missionaries A. H. Smit and H. S. Dykstra, with their families, went as usual to the mountains of Kuling for their     summer vacation.  They were accompanied by the Misses Kalsbeek and Koets, and Mrs. Pels.  The war caught them there; they made a couple of trips to Jukao to encourage out workers; finally the Smit and Dykstra families, as well as Miss Loets and Mrs. Pels, were brought to Hongkong.  From there they went back to Shanghai, and from it made different trips to Jukao to encourage the workers.  When this city was taken, March 19, by the Japanese, they did very splendid work, taking care of the hundred refugees who tried to find shelter in our Mission Compound, outside of the city."147 

While the ministry was growing, it was also necessary to  have the native staff to assist the missionaries and their work.  The missionaries were assisted by a fine group of Chinese trained workers.  There are fourteen men and four Chinese women evangelistic workers who were allocated to various parts of the city of Jukao and Tsingkiang.  Mr. Ch'en Long San a Chinese worker with little training, but he was with the missionaries for the longest unbroken period of time.  Mr. Ch'en charged the evangelistic tent and served as colporteur when the tent was not in use. 148

2. Mission Activities 1922-1927 

Despite the civil war in Northern part in China (general Chiang, Kai-shek was struggling to take control China with help of Soviet advisor Borodin), work among the Christian Reformed Church missionaries generally went well.  Dr. Henry Beet noted that, "the year 1925 saw much civil war in China, but the work of our missionaries was not seriously hindered."149 

One of the mission work that the Christian Reformed Church missionaries did was in an area of medicine, and they also made a plan to erect a home and evangelistic center, and a hospital.   

Rev. Lee S. Huizenga had already began working in a hospital of the Southern Presbyterians located at Kashing.  Meanwhile, the China mission was trying to establish a hospital in Jukao.  According to the Mission Minute in August 1, 1922, "Although the evangelistic work is the real and most effective method of mission activity, we feel that a well equipped hospital for work in China is of the utmost importance to act as an entering wedge into the hearts and lives of the people."150    

On May 30, 1924, missionaries saw their dream came true.  They converted a Chinese home into a hospital.  Rev. Huizenga noted: "Looking back upon the past year we have many reasons for thankfulness.  A years ago today we were not even in our own field.  Now we land for our homes, we have hospital land, we have building and two chapels.  We have also some young people who have expressed their desire to become followers of the Lord."151 Medical work went well.  Indeed the work at the hospital was up to his most optimistic expectations and even had the official opening of the hospital.152   One thing that needs to point out in regarding to mission activities in the Christian Reformed Church was that somewhat lack of systematic plans.  Most of these missionaries worked whenever they find their time and place.  Much of the time, these missionaries were over-worked and over-burdened with their work, which later proved to be ineffective.   

The hospital made the most insistent demands on missionaries attention.  Dr. Huizenga wrote in his dairy, "My time is almost taken up in the hospital and here my opportunity for personal work is over-abundant...There were fifty-one patients at the hospital today...The strain is heavy...but work is being done."153  With the hard work, the missionaries were beginning to see some of their fruits.  The number of patients were slowly increasing, which gave a sign of the confidence from the people. As the medical work continued to progressed, there were pressing problems that faced the missionaries.  It was a question of decision-making authority.   

In August of 1925, a question was came up whether to purchase or rent chapels.  Dr. Henry Beet, who was a Director of Missions told the missionaries to seek out a new mission station, because there will be several more new staffs were coming to join them.154  So they made the decision in regarding the chapel.  Even though, it was the mission which made the decision, the Mission Minute of April 5, 1926 showed that the decision was to be made by the Board.   

There was another question with the Mission Board.  This time it was about who should support the native evangelists.155  This question reflected the Board's indecision and Mission in respect to indigenous church establishment, but it also reflected the struggle in the denomination regarding centralization and decentralization of authority in the Home and Heathen Missions.156  Many wanted that the each congregations who were supporting the missionaries would also determine how they function on the field.   

Obviously, then the native evangelists were only responsible to individual who supported them.  This led to difficulty for the missionaries who had to work with them.  Board then chose to funnel the fund through the Mission, and never told the individual supporters, this was to protect personal relationship with the recipient of their gift.  By doing that, the Board maintained a low profile.157   

Expression of real tension between the Mission Board and the Mission came over the matter of wages and salaries.  There were many complains from the native workers that someone was receiving more wages than others and some even underpaid.158  The problem arose due to increase in the staffs.  This problem led the Mission to establish a salary scale.  By this time, there were Miss Lillian Bode, Rev. and Mrs. Arthur Selles, and the Rev. and Mrs. Nick DeVries, and the Rev. and Mrs. Jacob Kamps, and Dr. and Mrs. Richard Pousma who came to help in Mission, and eventually they joined the debate on the salary scale.   

Rev. Huizenga showed most displeasure with the salary scale.  But since the other missionaries supported the salary scale, Rev. Huizenga consented the plan with open dissent, expressing that the "missionaries were being too niggardly with both their evangelistic and domestic helpers".159  This remarked eventually offended the fellow missionaries and this offense did not go away soon.   

One of his displeasure for adopting the salary scale was that Rev. Huizenga thought that other missionaries knew nothing of the working in hospital, nor such qualification of the helpers.  He even went further, he wrote to adjunct hospitals to find out how they administered their pay scales.  He received following reply from the China Inland Mission Hospital: "The Doctor's (Mr. Ch'en) salary may be a little high, but much depends on responsibility...We consider it essential that the Superintendent of the hospital should have     completely in his own hands the appointment of the staff, but with regard to the salaries and finance that depends largely on the hospital Board is responsible for the raising of the money."160 

Rev. Huizenga also received similar responses from Kanguyin Christian hospital, the Nantungchow Christian Hospital and the Sashing Christian Hospital.  These responses reaffirmed that the China Mission Hospital was not out of line with others involved in similar work.161      

Then let's pause for a moment and take a look at a policy and goal of missions during this period of 1922-1927.  Rev. John C. De Korne wrote in his book Chinese Altars to the Unknown God , he said: 
"The aim of missionary work is to carry into all the world the knowledge of God as revealed in Jesus Christ.  The Father began that process by sending Jesus into the     world.(John 3:16).  Jesus Himself accepted the charge; `I am come to do the will of Him who hath sent me.'  This charge  He passed on to His disciples, and through them to us, in the words. `As my Father sent me, even so send I you.'(John 20:21)  The entire missionary program, them is in the hands of Christ working through His loyal followers, who are  themselves endued with the power of the Holy Spirit, until He shall have put down all rule and authority and power  and  shall deliver up the kingdom to God, even the Father,' `that God may be all in all.' (I Cor. 15:24,28).  The entire missionary enterprise, then, must be such that it can be a channel through which God can work out His program for world redemption.  Since it is His program and not ours that must  be carried out, it follows that His will concerning it must     be our one, all-dominating consideration...It follows, therefore, that the only message we can bring to the world about Christ must be one drawn from the Bible.  Its message  determines the contents of our message,  We must say about Christ whatever the Word says about Him....To what goal must we then direct our efforts?  As the claim of Jesus Christ  are faithfully presented, individual lives will turn to Him for salvation and will submit themselves to the reign of God...It must be made clear that this new life expresses itself in good deeds, and thus the missionaries aim includes     the establishment of schools and hospitals and other efforts     looking towards social uplift.  Not primarily for their own sakes, but as an expression of the spirit of Him who said:  `I am come that ye might have life, and might have it more     abundantly.'  Those who have the new life within themselves will eventually seek spiritual fellowship with others like- minded, and out of this will grow a national Christian  church.  This church will have the right to organize itself  and plan its activities in accordance with its own  interpretation of the Bible as  containing God's program,  and its strength as a church will be in proportion to its  faithfulness to that divine program."162 

The aim of the Christian ministry was to proclaim the Gospel of Jesus Christ and establish the Kingdom of God in its mission field, which is the theme of the Reformed doctrine.  These policy or plan was now formed and practiced in the mission field.   

As the Civil War between general Chiang, Kai-shek and the Communist force grew hot, it brought some inevitable change on the Christian Mission.  This situation also raised a tension anti-foreigninsm among many Chinese.  At the same time, several Chinese evangelists banded themselves and demanded increase in their salaries.  However, the Mission did not recognized the strike and accepted their resignation.163  While there were hot spots everywhere, one spark touched one of missionaries.  Rev. Huiaenga was accused of inciting the evangelists to strike and his attitude of being `maverick.'164   

Two years earlier, Rev. Huizenga had offended his fellow missionaries with the salary scale, now, he was being accused of inciting the strike to the Mission.  Autobiographer of Rev. Huizenga, Lamberts commented that: "Just as Paul and Barnabas went their individual ways, Dr. Huizenga and his associates began gradually to draw apart.  He had a singular capacity for getting along without help from other people.  The result was that he acquired the reputation of being a maverick, or, as the German say it, an einspanner.  It is impossible to imagine him being utterly unconcerned about these misunderstandings but even his closest friends never received the remotest suggestion of  them from his letter."165 

In March 31, 1927, al the missionaries were gathered together at Shanghai under the protection of French and British troop.166  Dr. Beet sent a telegram saying that the missionaries should leave the mission force.  Rev. Huizenga and Kalsbeek to be furloughed, and other missionaries and Rev. Pousma stay in China.167  Dr. Beet recalls the time: "The group of missionaries taking refuge in Shanghai could not see much hope for the immediate future, and decided, on recommendation of the Board, that the Pausma, De Vries, Kamps, Selles, S. A. Dykstra, and Huizenga families, and the Misses Kalsbeek and Bode, should all return to the United States."168   

On April 5, all the missionaries returned to the United States with the exceptions of Rev. De Korne, Rev. Smit, and Rev. S. Dykstra and Dr. Pausma.  During next month, a salary schedule was drawn and they continued to work among hostile environment.  During the difficult times, Rev. De Korne continue on his activities.  He was also involved with the Southern Presbyterians to work on the Korean Plan.  He wrote the following letter to Dr. Henry Beet: 
"Dear Harry, 
I am sure you will be greatly interested in learning that  the North Kiangsu Mission of the Southern Presbyterians has decided to change its evangelistic policy and work on the Korean plan.  They are allowing three years time to make the transition.  They spent three days in discussing the matter,  and I was present at every one of those sessions, thus I now have a much clearer idea of the Korean Plan than I had before. There is no hurry about a decision.  We can wait until more of our force gets here, and then we can go into it if we so desire."169 

In January of 1928, Rev. Smit and Rev. De Korne made their their trek into Jukao.  There they found that the chapels were going strong.  Many in back home considered Rev. De Korne and Rev. Dykstra hero for staying in China throughout the Civil War in China.170   

Once Rev. Huizenga was in the United States, he was offered a scholarship from Yale University for a year of study.  Lamberts described it as follows: "It did not take several days for him to make up his mind.  He was ready to go at once.  But before he could enroll at New Haven he would have to travel to Grand Rapids to meet his relatives and report to the Mission Board about conditions in China."171 

In Grand Rapids, Rev. Huizenga met with Rev. Henry Dykstra, Miss Kalsbeek by urging of Dr. Henry Beet.  They met on July 3, and the result of their meeting was a second apology letter to the Mission in China.172   Rev. Huizenga did not wait for the reply, but went to Carville, Louisiana to work for the leper colony there.  "When it came clear that they rejected his second apology, Huizenga and his wife accepted and assignment by the American Leaper Association to tour the Orient for a year for the purpose of investigating the various treatments and successes of leper clinics."173  So the mission in China once again began in November, 1928.   

In summary, politically, there was a civil war in China.  General Chiang, Kai-Shek and his army continued to pursuit the Communists and he unleashed "White terror" against Communists.  Despite the civil war in Northern part in China (general Chiang, Kai-shek was struggling to take control China with help of Soviet advisor Borodin), work among the Christian Reformed Church missionaries generally went well.  Dr. Henry Beet noted that, "the year 1925 saw much civil war in China, but the work of our missionaries was not seriously hindered."174      

The background of the beginning of the Christian Reformed Missions in Jukao was that the beginning of the mission was quite successful.  Our missionaries the Rev. Lee S. Huizenga's family and Rev. J.C. De Korne and his family arrived in Shanghai.  After several attempted to find a place for their work, with the help from the Southern Presbyterian Mission society, they found the place in the city of Jukao.  Several miles north of Shanghai.  There they learned Chinese language, and work partially.  Soon, they were joined by other missionaries and staffs from the United States to supplement the mission work.   

Our missionaries' aim was to proclaim the gospel of Jesus Christ and help Chinese with Western technologies to build buildings and serve them with education and medicine.  Especially medicine work was most optimistic ministry for the missionaries.  Dr. Huizenga was a medical doctor and a preacher.  He directed the medical work in China, and contributed many advancement in the ministry.   

However, he had some difficulties with the fellow missionaries.  He was labeled as `maverick' for his pioneer spirit and often times this character of his caused uneasiness among the staffs.  Dr. Huizenga was furloughed to the Unites States in 1927 and was to engaged in graduate study at Yale University.   

C. Years of Growth 1928-1938 

After brief interruption in the mission work, once again the missionaries were returning to China.   Rev. Dykstra and Miss Kalsbeek returned to China, when they came to China they brought them an automobile.  Main purpose for the automobile was to use "for military, and medical emergencies and especially for itinerating."175  They used the automobile very effectively.  The missionaries did great deal of evangelizing, and eventfully expanded two more mission fields by January of 1929.   

One of the most significant development in 1929 was visiting of Dr. Henry Beet to the mission field in November.  Mark Knoper speculated that the visit of Dr. Beet, "whether it was the result of this conference with the RCA or a continuing development from De Korne's letter to Dykstra (October 3, 1927) is not clear." 176 The Mission adopted the Nevius principles for their work.   

The Nevius Plan was originally developed by John Nevius in the late 1800's.  This plan was later introduced in Korea and worked quite well there.  Professor Stephen Neil describes Dr. Nevius, "Dr. Nevius was far ahead of his time in believing in the possibilities of an independent younger Church under the guidance of the Holy Spirit."177

The Nevius Plan emphasized self-reliance on its church.  It called young churches to have her goal in self-supporting, self-propagating and self-governing.  Rev. John L. Nevius called this plan a "New System."  Compared to the "Old System", which depended largely on paid native agency, the new system minimized such agency.178   

The Old System utilized the use of foreign funds, to foster and stimulate the growth of the native churches in the first development, and then gradually to discontinue the use of the such fund.  The New System on the other hand, would implement the Christian themselves, with voluntary leaders who would lead worship service and teach and instruct, and direct all the work of the church, under the supervision of missionaries and evangelists in the area. 

Once again Mark Knoper explained the plan with clear understanding.  He said, "In evaluating the `old' system and vs. `new' Nevius evaluated the `old' system's policy of 1) paying a native agency, 2) using foreign funds to foster and stimulate growth and 3) using the more advanced natives to establish a new church.  His criticism in summary is: 1. Using a more advanced native to establish a new church draws a much-needed leader out of the community in which she/he could do the most good. 2. This action also results in injury to the leader.  The young convert, though growing and advancing is removed from a context which is able to encourage further growth. 3. The congregation is the best judge of character, and for  a missionary or mission society to determine whether or not a young convert is mature and ready to lead others is a dangerous decision. 4. The use of funds to hire these young men created a  mercenary spirit. 5. The use of funds also hinders those who would work  voluntarily for the coming of the Kingdom. 6. Foreign funds lowers the character of the entire enterprise.  Not infrequently such groups or individuals are referred to as the `rich' Christians (One who does something or claims to believe something because of the material rewards if offers).179   

What Nevius offers as a `new system can be summarized by four principles: indigenization, intensive and systematic education, emphasis on the Bible  and the call and qualification of the missionary.180   

Nevius firmly believed I Corinthians 7:20, where it says: "Let each man abide in that calling wherein he was called,," that "this apostolic injunction we are further told was ordained `for all the Churches.' It teaches most emphatically that Christianity should not disturb the social relations of its adherents, but requires them to be content with their lot, and to illustrate the Gospel in the spheres of life in which they are called."181 

His main objective was to create an environment for new converts to start their own church where they were called.  He points out past mistake when we took out untried Christians from their position and making evangelists of them, he said, "we may be literally, though consciously, opposing a divine purpose."182 The result was "unsettle the mind of new converts and excites the very feelings of restlessness and discontent which this command seems specially designed to prevent."183 

Success in Mission then, is depends on the training of a new convert.  Nevius noted that: "It is our aim that each man, woman, and child shall be both a learner from some one more advanced, and a teacher of some one less advanced."184  And the relations between the missionary and the helpers and the leaders are well structured.  These leaders are simply church members among church members, who pursues their daily calling as before vocation.  These structures form a very important link in the influences that starts with the missionary.   

Nevius notes that, "the native helpers, who is generally a well-instructed Christian of some years' experience.  He is under the control and direction of the missionary, and acts for him in supplementing his labors and carrying out his instruction.  Next to the helper is the leader, through whom principally the helper brings his influence to bear on the Christian and inquires generally."185   

Mark Knoper in his paper gives some specific's of Nevius' guideline for an indigenous church: 

1. Pray. 2. Do not give a novice responsibility of such a nature that it will puff him up. 3. Precedence is a powerful principle in any culture; therefore, determine from the beginning how new converts will be trained and who will be paid for what services. Money is especially vulnerable as a medium for misunderstanding. 4. Initially, maintain a regular occupation. 5. Prove or test believers before offering them positions of     public responsibility. 6. Capitalize on the enthusiasm of young Christians. 7. Commit them to the Lord. 

Thus, Nevius method can benefit all, because "all can learn from someone who had gone a little farther or lived in Christ a little longer."186  Knoper notes that, "discipline also belongs in the department of education and training; and specific steps of exhortation, admonition, suspension and excommunication should be followed.  Schools should be maintain for training in the Gospel and what it means for their own culture.  The mission's intent should be to help the native church develop its own theology and life."187   

In 1927, the Southern Presbyterians had decided to test the Three principles of Nevius' plan. The Christian Reformed Mission Board also decided to give these principles a three years trial period.  After the three years of testing, the result was far exceeded that of 1924 and following.188  Then the method was evaluated.  The evaluation was directed by Rev. J. C. De Korne.  He gave the following reasons for favoring the method. Knoper noted that: 

1. The missionaries and evangelists were able to cover more  territory and reach more people than before. 2. It makes extensive use of street preaching. 3. The missionaries were able to get closer to the families in their homes. 4. By meeting in the home, the unity of the home can be  preserved and the covenant idea of the Scripture can be readily brought out. 

He offered the following criticism  of the Mission's compromise in the Nevius method by substituting a room for a chapel (for inquires): 
1. The room as well as the chapel strengthens individualism instead of utilizing the ancient Chinese reverence for the home. 2. It aggravates the danger of promoting cliques and secret societies. 3. The room makes it difficult to eliminate the squeeze of tea and light allowance. 4. The room interferes with the regular routes into the     country made possibly by the New Method. His recommendations were that: 1. The room no longer be provide for inquires. 2. The tea and light no longer paid for. 3.The Jukao preachers meet in several homes within and outside the city gates. 4. The mission refrain from the erection of churches, because of such churches only the bricks remain when foreign  funds are withdrawn."189  After adopting the Nevius plan, the result was far exceeded that of 1924 and following.    

The China Mission adopted the Nevius plan for their church planting.  Many years of harvest in mission work caused to develop another congregation in Li-Pao.   
This field was directed by Rev. Simon A. Dykstra.  Once again, Mark Knoper captures a feeling at that time: "October 5, 1935, At Li-Pao there is growth.  We are doubling the size of our meeting place.  The Christian and enquirer are loyal and faithful as to church attendance.  It is a stimulating scene to witness the men as they follow the preacher with their Bible open before them.  They are also liberal in their contributions. January 3, 1936 the faithfulness of God is especially manifest in the Covenant of Grace.  It gives me great joy to record that I had the privilege of baptizing twenty persons, thirteen of whom were covenant children and seven adults.  We are beginning to have homes where the Lord is feared."190 

And during same time of period, Rev. Albert Selles worked in Tsing-Kiang.  Tsing-Kiang is the most central place in Tshingkianghsein which located about forty miles from the city of Jukao.  It had about 30,000 inhabitants. It is about one tenth of the hsien's population. 

The work Rev. A. H. Selles and his workers was strictly evangelical and consisted of street preaching, and personal evangelism.  They also distributed tracts and the selling of gospel portions.  Many of these workers under the supervision of Rev. Selles.191   Rev. Selles applied the Nevius plan in his work.  He continued, "Since we are trying to  do mission work according to the Nevius method, there three men live in the city of TshinKiang, each being responsible for a certain district of the field.192"   

By using the Nevius method Rev. Selles also experienced progress in his work.  He said, "As to encouraging sighs we might mention that in the short time we have been at work there are thirteen who have declared themselves to be ready to receive instruction in the new doctrine."193  Every place he went he drew a large audience in street, in tea house, and market place. For him, it did not matter he preached, as long as there were people who were willing to hear the gospel.   

His final remark on his work in Tsing-Kiang was that, "The Nevius or Korean method aims at the independence of a Chinese church more than any other method thus far employed in China.  There is a good spirit of mutual helpfulness among them.  We praise God for the oneness in heart and mind which makes itself manifest from time to time.  If this continues, results are bound to come."194 

Miss Lillian Bode who began work since 1926 as one of Bible women worked at Pai P'u where people were afraid of foreigners worked with Mrs. Ts'en.  Her main work was to start a Sunday School (She did start a Sunday School the first year she came to China).   She wrote some of her work in Pai P'u as follows: "As yet children's work is very hard, they will come for a time and then parents forbid them to come.  Last year we had a good Sunday School, but the teachers of the public school scared the children and parents so that it all dropped away. We are working at it and hope things will get better."195  Pai P'u ministry continued to operate throughout the entire period of Japanese occupation.   

Rev. J. C. De Korne continued to work with the natives near North Gate (Jukao City).  He taught English to more than a hundred boys in the Jukao high school each week and used this occasion to invite them to a Bible class on Sunday morning and afternoon class in his home.196  He also led many adults to a baptism.  He also worked with educational leaders and governmental officials.  He noted two mission towns' work.  One the market town of Ting-Yen.  The city is ten miles from Jukao City.  It had one small chapel and had one native evangelist named Mr. Ch'en Jung-San, who did not have any school training but gifted speaker.  He was taking the correspondence course of the Nanking Theological Seminary.197   

The kinds of work at Ting-Yen were: 

1. Sunday morning service of worship; average attendance, 7. 2. Sunday school; average attendance, 7.  One of the pupils     recited entire second chapter of Acts, and another a long selection from one of the epistles. 3. Regular visiting in the homes of the Christian and inquirers; this is the strong point of the Ting-Yen work; family worship is usually conducted in such homes by the evangelist or missionary when they call, and by the heads of the family in some cases. 4. Evangelistic service when one of us from Jukao can go there to help with them; two such series were conducted this year. Result and outlook: No baptisms in this year in Ting-Yen this year.  Ting-yen was for many years my most encouraging piece of work.  From 1927 to 1931 I baptized seventeen adults and five infants there.  Of the seventeen adults,  eight are still living in the area, one died, five moved to Shuangtien and are still live members of the group there, and two have moved away to  places beyond out reach.  Of the eight, one is under discipline, and one, because of family complications, can attend services but seldom; the others are all attend faithfully.  But we have gotten no new blood there recently."198 

He continued with report on Shuangtien.  Another market town near to (seven miles) east of Ting-yen.  The city also had one chapel, which local Christians paid the rent.199  Kinds of work in Shungtien were: 1. Sunday morning service of worship, average attendance, 22.  Sunday school, average attendance, 30. 2. Each evening of the week, Mr. Ts'ao conducts family workshop in the home of the Christians. 3. To the extent that his wife's health permits, Mr. Ts'ao  makes country trips; this part of the work has not developed much. 4. Evangelistic services for periods of a week at a time are conducted as opportunity offers.  One such series was held this past year. 5. A small stock of Christian  books is used as a circulating library; the evangelist delivers and collects them and uses the opportunity for personal work. 6. A monthly meeting of the Shuangtien and Ting-Yen groups combined has asked Mr. Ts'ao to lecture at each meeting on church history and church government, which he does to good effect. 

Result and outlook: In 1930 and 1931 four adults and one infant were baptized in Shuangtien.  In 1932 four adults were baptized, and the two children of Mr. Ts'ao made confession of faith.  There are several promising inquirers there; one was accepted for baptism on Christmas Day, but     she preferred to wait until her husband could be baptized with her.  There are no other mission working in the Shuangtien are."200 

Rev. De Korne's mission field was not a easy place to work.  As we saw its data, numbers of Baptism and attendance of service were small.  Rev. commented some of his observation of Chinese Christians.  He noted that there were many people who has a knowledge of truth might have been received as church members.  These people all confess an experience of saving grace in their heart, but many times their occupation prevents them to observe the Sabbath and to attend the worship service.  We have failed to notice their part sufficient courage in the overcoming of those difficulties to warrant us in baptizing them. 201  

Rev. L. S. Huizenga directed a medical work in Jukao.  His work began in 1924 with opening up a hospital.  Dr. Beet commented that, "Medical work, under the direction of Dr. Lee S. Huizenga, also went forward in an encouraging way during this period."202  Rev. Huizenga had his patients came from all over the county of Jukao and from the city.   

Here are some of his medical work: 
"We try to do all kinds of medical and surgical work as far as our limited staff permits.  At the morning clinic we now see about thirty patients a day and we are always have a few inpatients.  At present the Chinese hospital staff consists of Dr. Tsuei, house physician; Miss Liu, business manager; Miss Tang, nurse; Miss Lee, drug student; Miss Wang, nurse;  Mr. Mao, drug clerk; five servants, one laundryman, one cook and his helpers...Evangelistic work and fruits: Like every other hospital of our kind, we have tried to minister to the sick.  Converts ar hard to calculate in medical work.  When the staff is complete, we hope to carry on regular evangelistic work as we did heretofore.  For this work  please see the annual reports of those years, issued in printed form at the end of each year.  Medical program for future:  The medical program recommended for the future includes regular clinic and hospital service and also outstation clinic work.  This has not yet been tried out for lack of sufficient help."203

Rev. Henry A. Dykstra also worked in Pai P'u.  He was one of three evangelist who first came to China in 1920. He not only worked in the City of Jukao, but also around the areas as well.  He reported that, "We do not limit ourselves to the township of Pai P'u, but to the territory within this circle (a circle on a radius of ten American miles from the city of Jukao).  That makes it possible to be back at Pai P'u every evening if so desired."204 

His work was consisted primarily a regular schedule of itinerating.  He and his staff tried to reach all the important centers of the city of Jukao and within ten miles radius once a week. They conducted some street preaching, but main emphasis was to have meetings with a people in their homes205.   

Rev. Albert Smit were given four places to work.  They were: Haian, Tungch'en, Shihchuang and Mot'ou.  Haian is about fourteen miles north from Jukao.  The city actually lies in Taichow Hsien.  But with an agreement with the Southern Presbyterian mission of Taichow, they were agreed to work in that place.  Tungch'en is about six miles southeast, and Mot'ou is ten miles south and Shihchuang is twenty American miles from the city of Jukao. 206

His work also involved with conducting a worship service in these places every week, and have a Bible class with a people, and hold evangelistic services in the homes of Christians and inquirers.207  One of his remarks were, "the people in Mot'ou district also are very friendly, but we have not as yet enrolled any as inquirers...it is difficult for us to say much about outlook for the future."208  This prophetic message of Rev. Smit was soon realized in China mission when the Sino-Japanese War broke out in 1937. 

Rev. H. A. Dykstra stated a situation in China during Japanese aggression.  He wrote in The Calvin Forum dated November 1937: 
"WIth gradual uplifting of economic and political uncertainty throughout the provinces of China, the threat     of Japanese expansion on the Asiatic mainland stands in ever bolder relief...The German foothold was returned by its Japanese conquerors as a tangible result of the Washington Conference.  With China as a member of the League of Nations, a signatory of the Nine Power Treaty and the Kellog Pact, her national existence appeared well assured.  The `Tanaka Memorial' which unfolded a plan for the systematic  expansion of Japan on the mainland at China's expense could  be ignored.  Japan together with the remaining signatories had promised to respect the territorial integrity of China.  Great was China's disillusionment when, in blatant violation of the League's policies, in default of sacred pledges     recorded in treaties and in the face of her government's publicly declared denial of such intentions, Japan separated  from China the three northern provinces and then tried to cover up the theft by setting up `the puppet state' of  Manchukuo with the claimant to the imperial throne of China as the nominal ruler...Two weeks ago General Chiang declared  that when `the limit of endurance' was reached the Chinese nation would fight.  By that `limit' he meant further     encroachment by the Japanese on Chinese territory.   By defeating the Chinese troops, bombarding Tientsin, and taking control of North China, the Japanese have met the challenge. Both sides admit that a compromise on the present  situation is beyond the range of possibility.  Japan is  massing her troops in North China...The Chinese government well realized that complete unification of the nation is  still far from realized; its military strength can not be compared with the efficient war-machine of the relentless foe, and assistance from friendly nations cannot be expected...Yielding to Japanese demands will mean limitless sacrifice and untold misery but the spirit of resistance long-sustained may so deplete Japan's economic resources as  to force a definite halt to her encroachment.  God only knows what the future holds in store for this people.  It is also He, who controls the destinies of nations and His purposes are sure.  We, His children, plead for peace in our     times.  Amid the hopelessness of the present crisis, we pray for the coming of His Kingdom."209 

Even though year 1936 was an outstanding year in the history of our mission,210  by 1937 the missionaries were forced to move to Hong Kong.  Rev. Huizenga moved to Shanghai, and then to Cairo, Egypt for a Conference.   

Once again Mark Knoper noted that they had been a great deal of struggle between the hospital and the missionaries. Rev. Huizenga's medical and evangelistic abilities were seriously questioned.211  He went into a place where he and his staffs were not safe and performed mission work.  Lamberts writes: 
"It is Armistice Day.  The Japanese celebrated by slaughter and destruction.  Huge fires are burning in Shanghai and all day the noise of battle rang in our ears.  Early this morning I went to the Shanghai LEprosarium over the Japanese lines.  This institution has now been placed under my care as no Chinese can enter the area and I have found favor in  the sight of the Japanese...I go there twice a day...The  distance from the French lines is about three blocks but it is desolation."212 

Dr. Huizenga's insight and ability to identify with the Chinese and Japanese gave him better understanding of their needs and drew him to conclude that, 
"It is no time to organize a church in China as the result of our mission work but when it comes I am sure the  church to be organize will not be the CRC.  We have 138 denominations in China...To them (Chinese) the denomination means little, Christ means more.  Doctrinally the CRC has nothing specially attractive that the Presbyterians have not stated here already...If they think they need a creed they will express their creed.  Chinese religions do not seem strong on creedal statements.  They vibrate with life...It is almost impossible to find one Chinese who says, `I believe'.  He lives out his religions without having a little creed printed in the back of his hymn book or prayer book.  Such a legacy of LIFE instead of FAITH is going to influence the Chinese Christian Church in its commitment to creed and doctrinal statement."213 These kind incidents upset missionaries and even Mission Board back home.  Knoper noted that: "Another dispute arose among the Mission over Huizenga's appointment to the Fourth International Congress of Leprosy in Cairo.  This dispute shows clearly the interrelationship of the Mission and the Board and also points the differences of perspective and character between the doctor and the other missionaries.214" 

Acts of Synod 1939 dealt with difficulties among the missionaries.  It reads: 
"We regret that it is necessary to report that an unhappy situation has developed in the ranks of our missionaries in China.  It is not a matter of lack of loyalty to the     Reformed truth which they have confessed.  Nor is it a  matter of the waning of missionary enthusiasm; they continue to courageously face the opportunities which are theirs.  But     the old problem of lack of cooperation has again come to the fore.  The Synod of 1936 made a decision with regard this matter, but the latest report of the China Mission contends that this decision is being ignored by one of our  missionaries.  The Board has given careful thought to this situation and has sent a firm communication to the China Mission which we believe will strengthen the hands of the brethren there in their endeavors to have every one of our     missionaries honor the regulations which Synod, Board, and Mission have adopted."215 

In the Synod of 1936 decision, following guidelines have been commanded: 
"The Board reiterates, and that most emphatically, that our  Church adheres to the principle, that the evangelizing of  the nations is the work of the Church and that the medical and  educational and all other missionary activities are merely helps to obtain that end.  Consequently there must be on the  part of those entrusted with the task of supervising our missions an unabated vigilance that the medical and  educational or any other work shall never outstrip the  evangelical and become an end itself...For hundred years  now medical work has coordinated with the evangelistic and  the evangelistic with the medical.  The result is what is  common practice not only in Jukao but in practically all Mission stations in China. In general we would advise that  no drastic changes be made.  Our medical work is run pretty     much like medical work throughout the whole of China."216 

While there were bitter tension among the missionaries, China mission became increasingly difficult due to Japanese occupation.   Acts of Synod 1939 noted in its report that: "Our China field has been badly disturbed during the past year (1938) by the war between Japan and China...Most of our native evangelists are still at their post.  Traveling through the country districts is difficult and dangerous..."217   

Synod of 1939 decided to send their missionaries Rev. S. Dykstra and Rev. Smit to China in 1940.  They remained in China and risked their lives on many occasions and ministered to Christians in Jukao. 

In summary, despite constant threat of war between China and Japan, the China Mission continued to carried out their missions.  One thing that brought major change in mission strategy was the adoption of Nevius Principle.  The plan was focused more emphasis on training of the native leadership, using the native to establish a new church.  This system was replaced by the old system, which practiced paying a native agency and using foreign funds to stimulate growth.   

The China Mission adopted the system after three years of trial period in 1927.  As a result of using the plan, the China Mission experienced much success in their work.  During this time, China Mission expanded and there were new works have been established in Pau P'u, Mot'ou, Ting Chia So and Ch'a Cl'iao.   

There was a growing displeasure with Rev. Huizenga among the missionaries during this time.  The Synod of 1939 mentioned a matter between the missionaries.  It called for more cooperation and following the guidelines which was set by the Board.   

Politically, it was well aware that the situation in China did not get any better for her people as well as the missionaries.  Japan exercised its cruelty to Chinese and threat to the foreigner was getting greater.  The time has come for the missionaries to once again to leave their mission field. 

E. Departure 1939-1949 

By the recommendation of the Synod of 1939, Rev. S. A. Dykstra and A. H. Smit returned to China.  When they came to China, they found all the homes and properties were neither damaged or destroyed. Except the Rev. Huizenga's home and the hospital and the Kalsbeek residence were remained intact with minor damage.218 One thing they took comfort in this awful situation was that the native evangelists were provided their own livelihood and preaching on a voluntary basis.   

On July 16, 1945  the great worker, Dr. Lee S. Huizenga died in semi-captivity in Chapei, Shanghai.  Dr. Henry Beet noted following words in memorial of Dr. Huizenga: "He had been a pioneer missionary, an author of ability, a medical authority, especially regarding leprosy--the Christian Reformed Livingstone."219   

In 1946, there was a significant decision for the future of mission work in China.  The Synod of 1946 unanimously adopted a recommendation to accept responsibility for a new mission field in the Kansu Corridor of West China.  The Board recommended to Synod the acceptance of the West China Field offered to the Christian Reformed Church by the China Inland Mission (CIM).  These are some of the grounds on which the decision was based: 

"There is first of all the broad general ground which demands that attention be given to the responsibility of missionary expansion whenever a church has enough manpower, spiritual vitality, faces a world which still contains great areas in which the missionary commissions of our Lord has not  yet been obeyed.  While it is true that our present China fields is not yet in sight, it was recognized that wise missionary strategy demands that the church take a long look     into the future and place before its members the challenge of a field greater than we now have."220

The Synod declared itself in favor of accepting the field in Kansu offered by the China Inland Mission with more detailed investigations.  Two years later, the Synod recommended to eliminate the West China field from further consideration.221 

It said: "West China Field.  The Synod of 1946 declared  itself as definitely interested in securing another missionary area in China in addition to our present Jukao     and Tsingkianghsien field, and expressed a preference for a field in West China which had been offered to us by the China Inland Mission.  The Synod of 1947 reaffirmed this position.  While the board was carrying on negotiations for  this territory, it became evident that we would be able to secure a choice area adjacent to our present Jukao and  Tsingkianghsien fields.  Therefore, the board recommends that we eliminate the West China field from further consideration." 

In 1948, there were many Christian Reformed missionaries working in China. They were Miss. Lillian Bode, Rev. and Mrs. Henry Bruinooge, Rev. and Mrs. Peter De Jong, Miss Marion De Young, Miss Wilhelmina Kalsbeek, Miss Magdalena Koets, Rev. and Mrs. A. H. Smit, Rev. and Mrs. A. H. Selles, Dr. and Mrs. H. E. Van Reken, and Miss Elizabeth Heerema.   

One of the new ministry which the Mission organized at this time was a Back to God Hour Broadcast from Shanghai via station XORA.  The staff concentrated their efforts on the following fields: Tshing Kizing, Nanchung Chow, and Jukao.222   

Eventually political situation in China with the advancement of the Communist troops caused the missionary to repatriated.  All the missionaries left China by December 10, 1948 and in March of 1950 our last missionary A. H. Smit had returned to the United States.  In his report to the Synod of 1950, he gave following description in China. 

He wrote: "China is now completely under Communist rule.  And this means the end of American influence in China.  The Communist have been carrying on a strong anti-American  campaign in order to  destroy the respect and admiration the  common people have for the U.S.A.  True, some people,  especially students, have been won over by their propaganda,  but the vast majority of the people still have a warm  feeling for America and are grateful for what America has  done for China in the past.  However, this anti-American propaganda had made it hard for American missionary to carry on...Our missionaries have now all withdrawn from China, but     in our Jukao field the native workers remain at their posts  and are carrying on with the Christian groups.  Our workers and Christians were very much afraid at first when the Communists took over, but now they are becoming bolder and  are beginning to insist on their rights and to come out more openly for their faith...The future of the Church of Christ in China and of our Christian groups will depend to a great     extent upon the vitality of these groups.  If they prize the gospel and are willing to struggle for their faith they may survive, but no doubt their lot will be difficult and they     may be facing persecution.  May the Lord graciously keep them and bless them."223 

Officially, China Mission of the Christian Reformed Church have been ended by 1949.  It was the first time that the denomination really put her energies and efforts to the mission.  With the fall of general Chiang, Kai-Shek's government, all the mission activities have been ended.  This paper will continue with an evaluation of the China Mission and its method. 

Chapter VII : EVALUATION 

Christianity was introduced to China during a time of feudal oppression and Western penetration.224  The Western influence on political and economical were much greater than the spiritual by the time of fall of Chiang, Kai-Shek's government.   

Politically, it was a turbulent years for Chinese during the years of 1920 through 1950.  After the revolution led by Sun, Yat-Sen ended the rule of the Manchu Dynasty and brought China into the modern era.  Soon republic was found, but the republic was founded under corruption and inept leaders and this resulted many struggles and finally led her to a hand of Communist. 

Missionaries during the period of rising of Nationalism with accompanied with outburst of anti-foreignism that impacted the missionaries for brief times, but the missionaries were virtually ignored by successive government and were free to come and go and to carry out their mission work.225  However, these missionaries, Protestant and Catholic missionaries alike shared the stigma of living and working under the protection of the unequal treaties, and the history of gunboat imperialism, which opened China to foreign merchants and missionaries alike.226  Wolfgang Franke wrote, "One of the provisions of the `unequal treaties' was the readmission of the Christian mission and foreign missionaries into China."227 

Mr. Edward Van Baak gives a succinct illustration of Christianity in China: 

"The work of Christian missions was impeded by one obvious  and tragically ironic fact: every nation which sought  privileges from China, except Japan, was known as a Christian nation.  European nations had sent missionaries who themselves were, from the very start, deeply conscious of the superior advancements of Chinese culture.  The Gospel  was attended by early and excellent Bible translations, schools, hospitals, and Christian scholarship.  But the work of the establishment of a fellowship of Christian believers  was impeded by the continual recurrence of civil  disturbances, foreign incursions, world wars, and governmental upheavals.  The marvel of God's grace is that anything of system and order was left after the chaos of these events."228      
The Christian Reformed Church began her China Mission during turbulent period of 1920-1949.  These factors did influenced the work of mission in China, but perhaps because of such unusual circumstances many Chinese people were opened to the gospel of Jesus Christ.  As we saw throughout the paper that except few interruption, China Mission was either carried out by the missionaries or by the native evangelists.   

The Christian Reformed missionaries were "for the most part men and women of exceptional boldness and courage."229  They all worked extremely hard and especially in the life of Rev. Albert Smit who did not concern over his safety.  Women missionaries and staffs were given excellent Christian education and Bible Classes to Chinese Christians.  Like Miss Kalsbeek and Bode were not only excelled in language bit also took many passive forms in their service to the Kingdom of God.   

Rev. Lee S. Huizenga was the leader and peacemaker of the Mission.(as testified to by De Korne and H. Dykstra)230  Despite the difficulties and sufficient dialogue with the fellow missionaries, Rev. Huizenga helped and led to shape and initiated the work of mission in China.   

Dr. Henry Beet's influence in China Mission can not be ignored.  It is not overstating that the China Mission was his mission.  He resolved many struggles and difficulties that arose among missionaries and mission work.  He also laid out a vision for expanding the work in China in 1924, 1926, and 1930.  It was with his support that the Nevius Plan was given a trial and led to adoption of the plan in 1929. 

Rev. J. C. De Korne who became a Director of Foreign Mission, contributed many causes for the missions.  And there were wives of the missionaries and children who supported the missionaries and mission works in many different ways.  Their commitments were also recognized in China Mission. 

There is no doubt that the China Mission had many difficulties and problems.  One of the difficulties with the mission was that it did not have a comprehensive plan.  Mark Knoper noted that, "problems which stemmed from undefined responsibility were multiple in the China Mission.  Some of these was endangered by the fluctuations of the denomination between a centralized or decentralized approach to missions."231   

Many times the question of who was responsible for the work of the missions was raised.  As the paper indicated that when dealing with the salary scale, answer was diverse: the supporting congregation, the Mission Board or the Mission itself.  Once again, the problem of lack of clear pattern, often times, supporting congregation were supporting the missionaries and the native evangelists without knowing that the Board actually controlled the fund distribution, while the Board could not do anything much because the Board was not on mission location and the China Mission was facing difficulties with the work and its staff, because they could not control the evangelist due to not responsible for their salary.   

Another difficulty was a question of comprehensive or simple Gospel Approach.232  The comprehensive approach was became prominence since its introduction at the International Missions Conference at Jerusalem in 1928.  Professor J. H. Bavinck writes that: "...in this endeavor we realized that man is a unity, and that his spiritual life is indivisibly rooted in all his conditions--physical, mental and social.  We are therefore desirous that the program of missionary work among all peoples be sufficiently comprehensive to serve the whole man in every aspect of his life and relationships."233 

 Dr. Bavinck gives the third place of one of four-dimensional character of missions is that, "it coordinates the preaching of the gospel with education, medical assistance, and technical and social-economic aid, and it does this in such a manner that these four things appear to be of equal value, whereas Christ actually has only commanded us to preach the gospel to all nations."234   

According to Dr. Bavinck's definition of a simple Gospel preaching is, "our sole concern, and all other services are meaningful to the degree that they assist, clarify, or render possible the preaching of the gospel.  The missionary approach is therefore not four-dimensional; it is simple, and its singularity touches life in all its aspects."235  But he continued that: "the case where the missionary's sole intention is to preach, and yet in spite of himself, by the simple fact of his existence, he cannot help working in a comprehensive manner."236 

The China Mission's problem was once again, who should regulate and determine the comprehensive ministries of medicine and education.  Knoper noted that the mission was unable to grow simple due to missionaries were not given enough authority and trust by the Board.237  Result was not only slow in mission work but constant struggle between the missionaries.   

Despite the lack of mutual trust within the Board and the missionaries and missionaries themselves, and comprehensive plan for the work, the China Mission experienced a strong growth after the mission adopted the Nevius Principle.   

The Nevius Principle, which emphasized four principles of indegenization, intensive and systematic education, and emphasis on Bible and the call and qualification of the missionary, brought success to the China Mission.  The Li Pao congregation experienced such rapid development from the beginning of the work in 1929 until its organization in 1937.  Knoper noted that weigh that against the fact that in Jukao a congregation was never established.  This points to the importance of established the Nevius plan from  the beginning of ones contact with a community.238 

The China Mission's work was the struggle between controlling the churches or fostering independence.  And the Nevius plan provided a way that it helped to develop native evangelists and planting new native churches.  The Nevius plan was also applied to other congregations as well, and the  result was the success.   

The Nevius plan also proved to be an important strategy, when the missionaries left China for various reasons.  Reports were saying that the native evangelists were holding out the Christian works.  It was a major fruits for the mission work.   

This paper wishes to take a look at the question why the missionaries have to leave China and how can we assess from church history point of view?   

Once again it is necessary to look at the whole picture of Western influence in China during 1920-1950.  Missionary A. Smit gave following assessment on China.  He said: "China has long been a country which had things done for her  and not a country which did things.  For a hundred years or more she has been a weak and helpless country, an immense nation of four hundred million people without any modern weapons of defense.  She therefore became the prey of greedy western nations who sought to exploit her people...Through various ways and by different means other powers took advantage of China and demanded all sorts of special     concessions, rights and spheres of influence.  China, helpless as she was, was unable to resist and had to agree  to every demand made upon her...Let me explain briefly what these special privileges were which foreigners enjoyed under the old treaties.  Under the unequal treaties China had no control over other nations residing within her borders.  Her police could not arrest them for crimes committed and her courts were not permitted to try them. China was not  permitted to tax foreign property and therefore foreign business concerns who made big profits doing business in  China were free of all Chinese taxes...This was at a time when we insisted on having high tariff walls to protect our industry from cheap foreign labor.  The British and Japanese  cotton mills in Shanghai were in such an advantageous position that infant Chinese mills were choked to death...It can readily be understood that all this was resented,  especially by the more educated Chinese.  And to add insult to injury most of the westerners took a very superior  attitude toward the Chinese...Now we must realize what influence all this must have had on Christian Missions.  I marvel that it was possible to carry on any missionary work at all.  Patriotic groups resented the presence of foreign  missionaries in China and insisted that the conduct of foreigners was not at all in harmony with the gospel of love  missionaries were preaching, and they mistrusted the whole     missionary movement."239 

David Paton in his book Christian Missions and the Judgment of God (London: S.C.M. Press Ltd., 1953) provides more clear assessment of the outcome of China mission.  He wrote,"Our thesis is that God's judgment today is being executed upon His Church by political movement which are anti-Christian.  Of this almost world-wide movement the Communists are the sphere head."240   The old charge against Christian Missions was that they were part of the whole imperialist aggression of the West.241 And therefore, that objectively speaking, "the mission and the churches were fundamentally reactionary forces, opposed to the true interests of the people, and hangers-on if not active agents of the interests of Western powers; and would remained so if, as missions have for decades declared to be their final aim."242   

It was contention of the Western and other nations that the awakening of the Cultural Revolution generation surprised and alarmed the whole world.  It is well known that "China has not allowed foreign missionaries to enter since the founding of the People's Republic in 1949.  Most of those who were in already in China in 1949 were forced to out by social and legal means within a few years."243   

Paton acknowledged that, "We have allowed racial and religious pride to direct our attitude toward those whom we have been wont to call `poor heathen'.  We have approached them as superior beings, moved by charity to impart of our wealth to destitute and perishing souls.  We have not learned the lesson that our own salvation, our own glory, lies in the completion of the temple of the Lord."244       

Mark Knoper recalls our denomination reason for choosing China instead of Sudan as mission field.  He noted that, "We blush also to think of the thousand of dollars spent by our Mission on lands and buildings and native staff.  The absence of native evangelists in the planning and evaluation sessions of our Mission stand out as an enigma."245               

Paton noted that there was a point which the missionaries were problem solver or believed that they could solve an immediate problem.  He said, "we have never recovered from the Middle Ages.  In the back of our minds always is the Mass priests and his ignorant, superstitious, passive laity."246   

Sidney Forsythe also said that, "the missionaries were, above all, interested in the immediate problems of their work.  Only few of them, and these mainly men, wrote about the larger picture of affairs in China."247   Knoper noted that there was the failure of professionalism.  The missionaries were to avoid the thinking that they are the center of the work,248  but rather think of them as a means to bring the gospel of Jesus Christ to the people.  When they took a low profile of themselves and encouraged Chinese initiative, they witnessed an amazing progress in their work.249

There are encouraging side as well as discouraging side in the Christian Reformed Church' Foreign Mission.  Failures and shortcomings were recognized and some remedies were made.  Positive side was that the Board and the missionaries were willing to adopt the new plan and recognized the need for change in themselves for the betterment of the mission and encouraged the native evangelists to take more part in the work.   

Result of such change was that long after the missionaries lest China, there were still native evangelists who carried on the work of the missionaries.  Finally, Paton maintains that, "aim of missions is not primary to save souls but to provide permanent means by which souls may be saved."250  The paper wishes to conclude by saying that the China Mission have met this goal, despite the many difficulties and shortcomings. 


Chapter VIII : CONCLUSION 

The Christian Reformed Church's Foreign Mission cast its first `world outreach' to China in 1920.  The China Mission was first headed by three visionary missionaries: Rev. Lee S. Huizenga, and Rev. John C. De Korne and Rev. Harry A. Dykstra and their families.  By the end of the mission work in China in 1949 the China Mission had more than twenty families or single people.  The China Mission produced many spiritual giants in the denomination. 

The time when these missionaries were not really pleasant one.  In 1920-1949 there were constant threat of civil war, foreign aggression, and threat of Communism.  Despite the difficulties, the China Mission witness the work of the Holy Spirit among Chinese.  Lands were purchased, buildings were being built for the chapel and Bible Class and the hospital was established for medical work.   

The China Mission learned many lessons and became more flexible with her mission during these turbulent period.  The agency provided better guidelines for the missionaries and adopted the Nevius Plan for the work.  All these contributed to a rapid progress in China.   

Native evangelist employed by the China Mission proved to be an effective means to spread the Gospel of Jesus Christ.  They are a fruit of the Nevius Plan.  They received a Reformed training thoroughly.  Then they carried the Reformed faith to other Christians and people.   

The China Mission carried out a comprehensive mission, which deals with whole aspect of person.  Just like Dr. Bavinck said that the comprehensive mission is inevitable in mission, the China Mission maintained the plan.  Result of such adoption was continual growth and strength within the native church and her people.   

Looking at the China Mission and its wholistic method, it was inevitable for the China Mission to response to the volatile political changes made during these period, but the China Mission could have been more visionary in her mission in China. 

Chapter IX: FOOTNOTES

1. John Fairbank, The Cambridge History of China  Vol. xii, (Cambridge: C.U.P., 1983) p. 1. 
   
2. There are different meanings of holistic method.  For example,  in the 1970's, the term referred to justice, racial and contextualization in mission activities, whereas in during 1930's the term referred to  more of combination of introducing the Western cultures and technologies and the gospels.   
   
3. John Caldwell Thiessen, A Survey of World Missions (Chicago: Moody Press, 1961) p.75. 
   
4. Jacques Gernet, A History of Chinese Civilization tranl. J.R. Foster, (Cambridge: C.U.P., 1982) p. 6. 
   
5. Gernet, p. 8. 
   
6. Gernet, pp. 12-3. 
   
7. Ralph R. Covell, Confucius, the Buddha, and Christ: A History of the Gospel in Chinese  (Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1986) p. 6. 
   
8. E. M. Bliss, The Missionary Enterprise (New York: Fleming H. Revell Co., 1908) p. 278. 
9. Raymond Dawson, The Legacy of China (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1964) p. 367. 
   
10. Dawson, p. 367. 
    
11. Covell, p. 8. 
    
12. Covell, p. 9. 
    
13. Thiessen, p. 76. 
    
14. K.K.S. Chen, "Buddhism" Abingdon Dictionary of Living Religions Gen. Editor Keith Crim, (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1981) p. 128. 
    
15. Chen, p. 126. 
    
16. D.C. Yu, "Taoism, Philosophical" Abingdon Dictionary of Living Religions  Gen. Editor Keith Crim, (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1981) p. 738. 
    
17. M. Levering, "Taoism, Religious" Abingdon Dictionary of Living Religions  Gen. Editor Keith Crim, (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1981) p. 742. 
    
18. Harold Hinton, An Introduction to Chinese Politics (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1973) p. 14. 
    
19. Chien-nung Li, The Political History of China 1840-1928 tranl. by Ssu-yu Teng and Jeremy Ingalis, (Princeton, N.J.: D. Van Nostrand Company Inc., 1956) p. 9. 
    
20. Franz Schurmann and Orville Schell, Republican China: Nationalism, Warm and the Rise of Communism 1911-1949  (New York: Vantage Book, 1967) p. xiii. 
    
21. Schurmann, p. 142. 
    
22. Schurmann, p. 173. 
    
23. Hinton, p. 102. 
    
24. Benjamin I. Schwartz, Chinese Communism and the Rise of Mao (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1961) p. 189. 
    
25. Hinton, p. 109. 
    
26. Schurmann, p. 179. 
    
27. Schurmann, p. 179. 
    
28. Fairbank, p. 1. 
    
29. Fairbank, pp. 2-3. 
    
30. Albert Feuerwerker, "Economic Trends, 1912-1949" The Cambridge History of China Vol. 12.  Gen. Editors, Denis Twitchett and John K. Fairbank, (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1983) p. 28. 
    
31. Feuerwerker, p. 32. 
    
32. Feuerwerker, p. 63. 
    
33. Feuerwerker, p. 64. 
    
34. Feuerwerker, p. 73. 
    
35. Feuerwerker, p. 91. 
    
36. E. R. Hughes, The Invasion of China by the Western World  (London: Adam and Charles Black, 1937) pp. 157. 
    
37. Merle Goldman, China's Intellectuals: Advice and Dissent  (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1981) p. 3. 
    
38. Raymond Dawson, The Legacy of China  (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1964) p. 81. 
    
39. Hughes, p. 169. 
    
40. Hughes, p. 183. 
    
41. Hughes, p. 184. 
    
42. Hughes, pp. 189-90. 
    
43. Hughes, p. 192. 
    
44. Chow Tse-tsung, The May Fourth Movement (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1964) p. 1. 
    
45. Schurmann, p. 27. 
    
46. Chow, p. 22. 
    
47. Chow, p. 23. 
    
48. Gernet, p. 627. 
    
49. Chow, p. 24. 
    
50. Chow, p. 25. 
    
51. Chow, p. 25. 
    
52. Chow, p. 27. 
    
53. "Hu Shih, a most influential liberal scholar in modern China, generally regarded as the first poet to promote vigorously the vernacular literature, was born in Shanhai in 1891.  After passing a competitive examination and was sent by the government to study in the United States.  He received his B.A. at Cornell University and his Ph.D. at Columbia in 1917 both in philosophy.  He was a professor of philosophy and later chairman of the department of English literature at Peking University.  He became the Chancellor of the same university  from 1945-49.  He was ambassador to the United States from 1938 to 1942, during the Sino-Japanese war years.  After 1949 he lived in New York City.  In 1958 he took the directorship  of the Academia Sinica in Taiwan.  He holds more than thirty honorary degrees form American and European universities.       In his biography, he recalled: `My pacifism and internationalism often brought me into serious trouble...When in 1915 Japan presented the famous Twenty-one Demands on China, every Chinese in the United States was for immediate declaration of war with Japan.  I wrote an open letter to The Chinese Student's Monthly counseling calmness and cool thinking, for which I was severely attacked from  all sides and often denounced as a traitor."  Chow, Tse-tsung, The May Fourth Movement: Intellectual Revolution in Modern China (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1964) p. 27. 
    
54. Hsu-kun Kwong, "What is Patriotic Sanity?  A Reply to Suh Hu," The Chinese Monthly , X, 7 (April 1915), p. 429. 
    
55. Chow, p. 29. 
    
56. Chow, p. 31. 
    
57. Chow, p. 33. 
    
58. Chow, p. 48. 
    
59. Chow, p. 50. 
    
60. Chow, p. 50. 
    
61. Chow, p. 52. 
    
62. Chow, p. 55. 
    
63. Chow, p. 86. 
    
64. Chow, p. 85. 
    
65. Chow, p. 144. 
    
66. Fairbank, p. 166. 
    
67. Neil, p. 409. 
    
68. Neil, p. 409. 
    
69. Paul A. Varg, Missionaries, Chinese, and Diplomats: The American Protestant Missionary Movement in China, 1890-1952  (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1958) p. 181. 
    
70. Hu Shih, "China and Christianity," The Forum , July 1927, p. 2. 
    
71. Varg, p. 182. 
    
72. Varg, p. 182. 
    
73. Kenneth Latourette, A History of Christian Missions in China (New York: The MacMillan Company, 1929) p. 815. 
    
74. Varg, p. 189. 
    
75. Latourette, p. 820. 
    
76. Thiessen, p. 94. 
    
77. Varg, p. 252. 
    
78. Neil, p. 466. 
    
79. Varg, p. 255. 
    
80. Varg, p. 256. 
    
81. Varg, p. 261. 
    
82. Varg, p. 262. 
    
83. Charles L. Boynton, "Committee on East Asia Bulletin," November 28, 1940. 
    
84. Varg, p. 263. 
    
85. William Axling, "Behind the Far Eastern Crisis," The Christian Century , February 9, 1938, pp.171-2. 
    
86. Varg, p. 265. 
    
87. Varg, p. 266. 
    
88. Varg, p. 272. 
    
89. Irwin Hyatt Jr., American Missionaries in China , Gen. Editor Liu, Kwang-Ching, paper from Harvard Seminars. East Asian Research Center, (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1966) p. 95. 
    
90. Hyatt, p. 96. 
    
91. Latourette, p. 781. 
    
92. International Review of Missions , Editor William Paton, Vol. 10, 1921. 
    
93. Latourette, p. 782.   
    
94. Fairbank, p. 167. 
    
95. Hyatt, p. 103. 
    
96. David Van Reken, Mission and Ministry: Christian Medical Practice in Today's Changing World Cultures (Published by author, 1986) p. 15. 
    
97. Hyatt, pp. 103-4. 
    
98. Hyatt, p. 104. 
    
99. Hyatt, p. 106. 
    
100. Hyatt, p. 107. 
     
101. Hyatt, p. 107. 
     
102. Hyatt, p. 109. 
     
103. R. H. Tawney, Land and Labor in China (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1932) p. 75. 
     
104. Acta , 1920, p. 114. 
     
105. Acta , 1920, p. 115. 
     
106. Acta , 1920, p. 115. 
     
107. Lambert Lamberts, The Life Story of Dr. Lee S. Huizenga (Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1950) p. 109. 
     
108. Acta , 1920, p. 115. 
     
109. Acta , 1920, p. 116. 
     
110. Acta , 1920, p. 116. 
     
111. Fairbank John, The United States and China Third Edition, (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1948) p. 196. 
     
112. Neil, p. 324. 
     
113. John, Bratt. The Missionary Enterprise of the Christian Reformed Church of America , (Th.D. Dissertation, Union Theological Seminary, 1955) p. 183. 
     
114. Mark Knoper, "The China Mission of the Christian Reformed Church 1920-1950," a term paper submitted to Calvin Theological Seminary, 1978. 
     
115. Banner , 53: 242-243, April 4, 1918. 
     
116. Banner , 53:242-243, April 4, 1918. 
     
117. Knoper, p. 2. 
     
118. Banner , 53: 337, May 9, 1918, and Banner 53: 352-354, May 16, 1918. 
     
119. Banner , 53: 352-354, May 16, 1918. 
     
120. Knoper, p. 3. 
     
121. Acta , 1918, p. 85. 
     
122. Bratt, p. 187. 
     
123. Bratt, p. 188. 
     
124. Bratt, pp. 168-169. 
     
125. Acta Synod , 1920, pp. 49-50. 
     
126. Harry Boer, "Discontinuity and Continuity in Christian Reformed Missions at Mid-Century," Lengthened Cords , Edited by Rodger Greenway. (Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, 1975) p. 69. 
     
127. Knoper, p. 5. 
     
128. Bratt, p. 190. 
     
129. Frank Houghton, China Calling (London: China Inland Mission, 1936) p. 112. 
     
130. Houghton, p. 114. 
     
131. Houghton, p. 115. 
     
132. Kenneth Latourette, The Chinese: Their History and Culture , Third Edition, Two volumes in One, (New York: The MacMillan Company, 1949) p. 369. 
     
133. Houghton, p. 116. 
     
134. Lamberts, p. 110. 
     
135. Lamberts, p. 111. 
     
136. Lamberts, p. 111. 
     
137. Lamberts, p. 112. 
     
138. Mission Minutes of the China Mission, 1920-1950, Nov. 2, 1920. 
     
139. Bratt, p. 191. 
     
140. Henry Dykstra, "Rev, H. Dykstra Gives Reasons For Recommending North Kiangsu Field'" The Banner , 52:219, Apr. 6, 1922. 
     
141. Bratt, p. 192. 
     
142. Dykstra, p. 219. 
     
143. Beet, p. 230. 
     
144. Wilhelmina Kalsbeek, The Banner p.370, June 12, 1925. 
     
145. Beet, p. 240. 
     
146. Beet, p. 242. 
     
147. Acts of Synod , 1938, p. 232. 
     
148. Acts of Synod , 1938, p. 233. 
     
149. Henry Beet, Toiling and Trusting : 50 Years Christian Reformed Missions (Grand Rapids: Grand Rapids Printing Company, 1940) p. 231. 
     
150. Mission Minutes, August 1, 1922. 
     
151. Lamberts, p. 126. 
     
152. Lamberts, p. 126. 
     
153. Lamberts, p. 130. 
     
154. Mission Minutes, April 5, 1926. 
     
155. Mission Minutes, October 4, 1926. 
     
156. Knoper, p. 13. 
     
157. Knoper, p. 13. 
     
158. Knoper, p. 13. 
     
159. Mission Minutes, October 4, 1926. 
     
160. Lee S. Huizenga, Personal Paper, December 11, 1926. 
     
161. Knoper, p. 14. 
     
162. John De Korne, Chinese Altars to the Unknown God (Grand Rapids: Smitter Printing House, 1926) pp. 7--81. 
     
163. Knoper, p. 16. 
     
164. Lamberts, p. 136. 
     
165. Lamberts, p. 136. 
     
166. Knoper, p. 18. 
     
167. Mission Minutes, April 4, 1927. 
     
168. Henry Beet, Toiling and Trusting: 50 Years Christian Reformed Missions (Grand Rapids: Grand Rapids Printing Company, 1940) p. 236. 
     
169. John C. De Korne, Personal Papers, October 3, 1927. 
     
170. Knoper, p. 19. 
     
171. Lamberts, pp.149-150. 
     
172. Knoper, p. 19. 
     
173. Knoper, p. 20. 
     
174. Henry Beet, Toiling and Trusting : 50 Years Christian Reformed Missions (Grand Rapids: Grand Rapids Printing Company, 1940) p. 231. 
     
175. Knoper, p. 20. 
     
176. Knoper, p. 21. 
     
177. Stephen Neil, A History of Christian Missions , (Middlesex, England: Penguin Books, 1964) p. 343. 
     
178. Frank Price, The Rural Church in China: A Survey , (New York: Agriculture Missions, Inc., 1948) p. 143. 
     
179. Knoper, p. 21. 
     
180. Knoper, p. 21. 
     
181. John Nevius, Planting and Development of Missionary Churches , (Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, 1958) p. 19. 
     
182. Nevius, p. 19. 
     
183. Nevius, p. 19. 
     
184. Nevius, p. 32. 
     
185. Nevius, p. 32. 
     
186. Knoper, p.22. 
     
187. Knoper, p. 22. 
     
188. Knoper, p. 22. 
     
189. Knoper, p. 23. 
     
190. Knoper, p. 25. 
     
191. Rev. A.H. Selles, " Rev. A. H. Selles' Field and Work",   China Mission Field: Christian Reformed Church 1933 a booklet prepared by Dr. Henry Beet for the Board members and other.  File at Heritage Hall at Calvin College, p. 21-22. 
     
192. Selles, p. 21. 
     
193. Selles, p. 22. 
     
194. Selles, p. 22. 
     
195. Lillian Bode, "Miss Bode's Field Work," China Mission Field , Christian Reformed Church 1933, Editor Henry Beet, 1933, pp. 11,14. 
     
196. John C. De Korne, "Description of Field Assigned to the Rev. John C. De Korne," China Mission Field , Christian Reformed Church 1933, Editor Henry Beet, 1933, pp. 3-6. 
     
197. De Korne, p. 5. 
     
198. De Korne, p. 6. 
     
199. De Korne, p. 6. 
     
200. De Korne, p. 6. 
     
201. De Korne, p. 3. 
     
202. Henry Beet, Toiling and Trusting , (Grand Rapids: Grand Rapids Printing Company, 1940) p. 240. 
     
203. Lee Huizenga S. "Dr. Lee S. Huizenga's Work and Program," China Mission Field , Christian Reformed Church 1933, Editor Henry Beet, 1933, pp. 7-8. 
     
204. H. A. Dykstra, "Field and Work of Rev. H. A. Dykstra," China Mission Field , Christian Reformed Church 1933, Editor Henry Beet, 1933, p. 10. 
     
205. Dykstra, p. 10. 
     
206. A. H. Smit, "Rev. A. H. Smit's Field and Work," China Mission Field , Christian Reformed Church 1933, Editor Henry Beet, 1933, pp. 17-19. 
     
207. Smit, p. 18. 
     
208. Smit, p. 19. 
     
209. H. A. Dykstra, "Can the Chinese Nation Survive?" The Calvin Forum , November, 1937, p. 78-82. 
     
210. Acts of Synod , 1937, p. 176. 
     
211. Knoper, p. 25. 
     
212. Lamberts, p. 170. 
     
213. Knoper, p. 26. 
     
214. Knoper, p. 27. 
     
215. Acts of Synod 1939, p. 165. 
     
216. Acts of Synod 1936, pp.130-131. 
     
217. Acts of Synod , 1939, pp. 164-165. 
     
218. Knoper, p. 30. 
     
219. Henry Beet, The Christian Reformed Church: Its Roots, History, Schools and Mission Work, A. D. 1857 to 1946 , (Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, 1946) p. 156. 
     
220. Acts of Synod 1946, pp.76-79. 
     
221. Acts of Synod , 1948, Supplement 12, p. 241. 
     
222. Knoper, p. 31. 
     
223. A. H. Smit, "Conditions in China," Acts of Synod 1950, Supplement No. 51, 1950, p. 438-439. 
     
224. Philip Wickeri, "Selfhood as Gift and Task: The Example of Self-Propagation in Chinese Christianity," Missiology vol 13, No. 3, (1985): 261. 
     
225. Donald MacInnis, "Protestant and Catholic Missions in South China: 1011-1986," International Bulletin of Missionary Research vol 12, No. 1 (1988): 7. 
     
226. MacInnis, p. 8. 
     
227. Wolfgang Franke, China and the West  E.T. R. A. Wilson, (South Carolina: University of South Carolina Press, 1967) p. 76. 
     
228. Edward Van Baak, "China and Taiwan," Lengthened Cords , Editor Rogder Greenway, (Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, 1975) p. 136. 
     
229. Knoper, p. 31. 
     
230. Knoper, p. 32. 
     
231. Knoper, p. 32. 
     
232. Knoper, p. 33. 
     
233. J. H. Bavinck, An Introduction to the Science of Missions , E.T. David H. Freeman, (Phillipsburg, N.J.: Presbyterian and Reformed Publishing Co., 1960) p. 108. 
     
234. Bavinck, p. 109. 
     
235. Bavinck, p. 110. 
     
236. Bavinck, p. 110. 
     
237. Knoper, p. 33. 
     
238. Knoper, p. 33. 
     
239. A. H. Smit, "Modern China and Her New Independence," The Calvin Forum , Aug-Sept, 1946: 14-17. 
     
240. David M. Paton, Christian Mission and  the Judgment of God , (London: S.C.M. Press Ltd., 1953) p. 18. 
     
241. Paton, p. 36. 
     
242. Paton, p. 37. 
     
243. Richard Van Houten, "The Question of China Mission," China and the Church Today , 8:2 (April 1986): 2-5. 
     
244. Paton, p. 42. 
     
245. Knoper, p. 34. 
     
246. Paton, p. 60. 
     
247. Sidney Forsythe, An American Missionary Community in China, 1895-1905 , (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1971) p. 87. 
     
248. Knoper, p. 34. 
     
249. Knoper, p. 34. 
     
250. Paton, p. 58. 
     

Chapter X:  BIBLIOGRAPHY
Aberly, John. An Outline of Missions . Philadelphia: Muhlenberg Press, 1945.
Abingdon Dictionary of Living Religions . Gen. Editor Keith Crim. Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1981.
Adeney, David H. The Unchanging Commission . Chicago: Inter- Varsity Press, 1955.
Austin, Alvin J. Saving China: Canadian Missionaries in the Middle Kingdom 1888-1959 . Toronto:  University of Toronto Press, 1986.
Barenett, Suzanne Wilson and John King Fairbank. Christianity in China: Early Protestant Missionary Writings . Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1985.
Bavinck, J. H. An Introduction to the Science of Missions . Transl. by D. H. Freeman. Philadelphia:  Presbyterian and Reform Publishing Company, 1980.
________ . The Impact of Christianity on the Non-Christian World . Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans,1948.
Beet, Henry. "Changing China."  Personal papers filed in Heritage Hall at Calvin College. Folder no. 168.
________ . "China Inland Mission."   The Banner .  50: 620-621,     Oct. 7, 1915.
________ . "China's Problem and How to solve Them."   The Banner . 56:596-597. Sept. 29, 1921.
________ . Papers from 1895-1947. Papers filed in Heritage Hall at Calvin College. Folder no. 48, 92,148.
________. The Christian Reformed Church: Its Roots, History, Schools and Mission Work A.D. 1857 to 1946 . Grand Rapis: Baker Book House, 1946.
________ . "The Situation in China."   The Banner .  60: 484-486, July 31, 1925.
________ . Toiling and Trusting: 50 Years Christian Reformed Missions . Grand Rapids: Grand Rapids Printing Company, 1940.
Bode, Lillian. "Miss Bode's Field and Work." China Mission Field .     Christian Reformed Church 1933. Editor Henry Beet. Grand     Rapids: CRC Publication, 1933.
Boer, Harry R. Pentecost and Missions . Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1961.
________  . "Discontinuity and Continuity in Christian Reformed Church of America." Lengthened Cords . Edited by Rodger Greenway. Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, 1975.
Boybton, Charles L. "Committee on East Asian Bulletin." East Asian Bulletin .  Nov. 28, 1940.
Boyle, Samuel E. The Church in Red China: "Leans to One Side" . Hong-Kong, 1950.
Bratt, John R. "The Missionary Enterprise of the Christian Reformed Church of America."  Th.D.     dissertation, Union Theological Seminary, 1955.
________ . The Southern Presbyterian and Christian Reformed Church of America: An Historical Comparison . Th.M. Thesis, Columbia Theological Seminary, 1937-1938.
Broomhall, A. J. Hudson Taylor and China's Open Century . Book One: Barbarians at the Gate.  Great Britain: Hodder and Stoughton Ltd., 1981.
Chao, Jonathan. "Principles for China Ministries." China and the Church Today . 2:1, pp. 1-3, Jan.-Feb., 1980.
Chen, Robin. China: Church History . Shanghai, 1941.
Chiang, Kai-shek. China's Destiny and Chinese Economic Theory. New York: Roy Publishers, 1947.
China and the Churches: The Making of One World . Brussels, Belguim: Pro Mundi Vita, 1975.
Chinese and Western Leadership Cooperation Seminar Compendium . Editor: CCCOWE Editorial     Department. Hong Kong: Good News Printing Company, 1980.
Chow, Tse-tsung. The May Fourth Movement: Intellectual Revolution in Modern China . Cambridge,     Mass: Harvard University Press,     1964.
Cohen, Paul A. China and Christianity: The Missionary Movement and the Growth of Chinese     Antiforeignism, 1860-1870 . Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Pres, 1963.
Covell, Ralph R. Confucius, The Buddha, and Christ . Maryknoll,  New York: Orbis Books, 1986.
Dawson, Raymond. The Legacy of China . Oxford: The Clarendon  Press, 1964.
De Korne, John C. Chinese Altars to the Unknown God . Grand Rapids: Missionary in China of the     Zeeland Classis of the Christian Reformed Church in America, 1926. 
 ________ . "Description of Field Assigned to the Rev. J. C. De     Korne." China Mission Field . Christian     Reformed Church 1933. Editor Henry Beet. Grand Rapids: CRC Publication, 1933.
_________  . Personal Papers filed in Heritage Hall in Calvin College. Grand Rapids.
De Koster, Lester R. "The Bamboo Peak." The Banner . 107: 12-13, March 17, 1972.
Documents of the Three-Self Movement: Source Materials for the Study of the Protestant Church     in Communist China . New York; Far Eastern Office, Division of Foreign Missions National     Council of the Churches of Christ in the U.S.A., 1963.
DuBois, Francis M. Classics of Christian Missions . Nashville:Broadman Press, 1979.
Dykstra, Henry A. "Can the Chinese Nation Survive?" The Calvinist Forum . 3:78-82, Nov. 1937.
________ . "Field and Work of Rev. H. A. Dyjstra." China Mission Field . Christian Reformed Church     1933. Editor Henry Beet. Grand Rapids: CRC Publication, 1933.
Dykstra, Simon A. "Field and Missionary Work of the  Rev. S. A. Dykstra." China Mission Field .     Christian Reformed Church 1933. Editor Henry Beet. Grand Rapids: CRC Publication, 1933.
Eberhard, Wolfram. A History of China . London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1948.
Fairbank, John King. Chinese Thought and Institutions . Chicago: The University of Chicago Press,     1957.
________ . Chinese World Order: Traditional China's Foreign Relations . Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1968.
________ . The Cambridge History of China: Republican China 1912-1949 .  General Editor John K. Fairbank.  Part I. Vol. 12., Part II. Vol. 13. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983.
________. The United States and China . Third Edition. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1948.
Feuerwerker, Albert. "Economic trends, 1012-1949." The Cambridge History of China . Vol. XII.     Part I. Republic China 1912-1949. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983.
________. Modern China . Englewood Cliff, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1965.
Forsythe, Sidney A. An American Missionary Community in China, 1895-1905 . Cambridge, Mass.:     Harvard University Press, 1971.
Franke, Wolfgang. China and the West . E.T. R.A. Wilson. South Carolina: University of South     Carolina Press, 1967.
Gernet, Jacques. A History of Chinese Civilization . Transl. by J. R. Foster. Cambridge: Cambridge     University Press, 1982.
Glasser, Arthur F. Crucial Dimensions in World Evangelization . Editors, Paul G. Hiebert, C. Peter     Wagner, and Ralph D. Winter. Pasadena: William Cary Library, 1976.
Goldman, Merle. China's Intellectuals: Advice and Dissent .     Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University     Press, 1981.
Goodrich, L. Carrington. A Short History of the Chinese People .New York: Harper and Brothers Publishers, 1943.
Greenway, Rodger S. Lengthened Cords: A Book about World Missions in Honor of Henry S. Greenway . Grand Rapids: Wm. Eerdmans,     1975.
________ . A World to Win: Preaching World Missions Today . Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, 1975.
Greydanus, Samuel E. "Understanding Communist China." Trumpet and Torch . 11: 16-18, April 1968.
Hedlund, Roger E. Root of the Great Debate in Mission .Madras, India: Evangelical Literature Service, 1981.
Hinton, Harold C. An Introduction to Chinese Politics . New York: Praeger Publishers, 1973.
Hood, George A. Mission Accomplished?  The English Presbyterian Mission in Lingtung, South     China: A Study of the Interplay between Mission Methods and their Historical Context . New York: Verlag Peter Lang, 1986.
Houghton, Frank. China Calling . London: China Inland Mission,1936.
Hsia, Adrian. The Chinese Cultural Revolution . Transl. by Gerald Onn. New York: McGraw-Hill     Book Company, 1972.
Hu, Shih. "China and Christianity", The Forum . July 1927, p. 2.
Hughes, E. R. The Invasion of China by The Western World . London: Adam and Charles Black,     1937.
Huizenga, Lee S. " And the Poor have the Gospel Preached to Them ".An Annual Report of the Jukao     Leper Clinic.  Jukao, China,     1937.
________  . "China's Extinction looms up". The Calvinist  Forum . 3: 13137, Jan. 1938.
________  . "An Introduction to our Foreign Mission Field." The Banner . 58: 421-422, July 12, 1923.
________  . Missionary Significance of the Lord's Supper . Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1939.
________  . Pressing On: An Autobiographical Sketch . Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1946.
________  . Report of the Synodical Committee for Mission Extension in Sudan or China . E.T. Grand Rapids: CRC Publication, 1919.

________   . Unclean! Unclean! . Grand Rapids: Smitter Printing Company, 1937.
Kauffman, Paul E. China's Coming Revolution . Hong Kong: Asian  Outreach Ltd., 1977.
Lambert, L. J. The Life Story of Dr. Lee S. Huizenga: An Adventure in Faith . Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans,     1950.
Latourette, Kenneth S. A History of Christian Missions in China .  New York: MacMillan Company, 1929.
________  . China . Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall Inc.,1964.
________ . The Chinese: Their History and Culture . Third Edition. New York: MacMillan Company, 1949.
Li, Chien-nung. The Political History of China 1840-1928 . Transl. and Edited by Ssu-yu Teng and Jeremy Ingalls. Princeton, New Jersey: D. Van Nostrand Company Inc., 1956.
Lie, Kwang-Ching. American Missionaries in China . Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press,1966.
Lutz, Jessie G. Christian Missions in China: Evangelists of What? . Boston: D.C. Heath and Company, 1965.
Lyall, Leslie T. Come Wind, Come Weather: The Pressed Experience of the Church in China .  Chicago: Moody Press, 1960.
________  . God Reigns in China . London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1985.
McAfee, Cleland B. The Foreign Missionary Enterprise and Its Sincere Critics . New York: Fleming H. Revell Company, 1935.
MacInnis, Donald E. Religious Policy and Practice in Communist China . New York: MacMillan Company, 1972.
Miao, Chu-seng. Christian Voice in China . Edited by Chester S. Miao with drawings by Jim Lee. New York: Friendship Press, 1948.
Mission Trends No. 1 . Edited by Gerald H. Anderson, Thomas F. Stransky. New York: Paulist Press, 1974.
Neil, Stephen. A History of Christian Missions . Middlesex, England: Penguin Books, 1964.
________  . Creative Tension . New York: Friendship Press, 1959.
Nevius, Helen S. Coan. The Life of John Livingstone Nevius: For Forty Years a Missionary in China .  New York: Fleming H. Revell Company, 1895.
Nevius, John L. Planting and Development of Missionary Churches . Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, 1958.
Knoper, Mark. "The China Mission of the Christian Reformed Church 1930-1950." A class paper submitted to the Calvin Theological Seminary, 1978.
Oldham, J. H. "Romance and Reality in Missionary Work: Fifty Years of the China Inland Mission." International Review of Missions . 4: 448-455, 1915. 
Paauw, Douglas. "The Kuomintang and Economic Stagnation." Journal of Asian Studies . Feb. 1957.
Paton, David M. Christian Missions and the Judgment of God .London: S.C.M. Press Ltd., 1953.
Pausma, Richard H. An Eventful Year in the Orient . Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1927.
Pitcher, P. W. Fifty Years in Amoy . New York: Board of Publication of the Reformed Church in America, 1893.
Pratt, J. T. War and Politics in China . London: Jonathan Cape, 1943.
Price, Francis W. The Rural Church in China . New York: Agriculture Mission, 1948.
Rabe, Valentin H. The Home Base of American China Missions 1880-1920 . Cambridge, Mass.:  Harvard University Press, 1978.
Richardson, William J. China and Christian Responsibility . Maryknoll Publication, New York:  Friendship Press, 1968.
Schurmann, Franz and Orville Schell. The China Reader Republican China: Nationalism, War, and the Rise of Communism 1911-1949 . New York: Vintage Books, 1967.
Schwartz, Benjamin I. Chinese Communism and the Rise of Mao . Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1961.
Seel, David, J. Challenge and Crisis in Missionary Medicine . Pasadena: William Cary Library, 1979.
Smith, Arthur H. Rex Christus . New York: MacMillan Company, 1903.
Smit, Albert H. "Modern China and Her New Independence." The Calvinist Forum . 12:14-17,  August-Sept.1946.
Soothill, William E. A Typical Mission in China . New York: Fleming H. Revell Company, 1900.
________  . The Three Religions of China . Second Edition. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1923.
Suekane, Toshio. "Report on Red China." Christianity Today . 2:31-32, Nov. 25, 1957.
Szto, Paul. "Chinese Christian Reformed--A Growing  Vineyard."      The Banner . 98: 11, April 5,     1963.
Tanis, Edward J. "A Letter from China." The Banner . 83: 1574, 1948.
Tawney, R.H. Land and Labor in China . New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1932.
Taylor, Howard. "By Faith: Henry W. Frost and the China Inland Mission . Philadelphia: China Inland     Mission, 1938.
"The Cultural Revolution Generation." China and the Church Today . Fill this spot!!!!
The Missionary Church in East and West . Edited by Charles, C. West and David M. Paton. London:     S.C.M. Press Ltd., 1959.
Thiessen, John Caldwell. A Survey of World Missions . Chicago: Moody Press,1961.
Van Baak, Edward. "More on Mao." The Banner . 108: 12-13, Oct. 5, 1973.
Van Houten, Richard. "Marxism in Question?" China and the Church Today . 7:1, pp.2-6, Feb., 1985.
________  . "The Question of China Mission." China and the Church Today . 8:2, pp.2-5, Apr. 1986.

________ . "TSPM and Foreignness." China and the Church Today . 6:5, pp.2-7, Sept.-Oct. 1984.
Van Kley, Edwin. "Chronology and the Scripture: A Backward glance." Reformed Journal . 15: 13-    15, July-August, 1965.
Van Reken, David E. Mission and Ministry: Christian Medical Practice in Today's Changing World Culture .  Published by author in 1987.
Varg, Paul A. Missionaries, Chinese, and Diplomats: The American Protestant Missionary Movement     in China, 1890-1952 .     Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1958.
Vos, Johannes G. "The Reformed Faith for China." Trumpet and Torch . 2:16-18, Aug,-Sept. 1952.
Wang, Mary. "The Chinese Church that Will Not Die." The Banner . 107: 24-25, June 30, 1972.
William, Axling. "Behind the Far Eastern Crisis",   The Christianity Century . Feb. 9, 1938, pp. 171-    172.

Periodicals:
Acts of Synod, Christian Reformed Church . Grand Rapids: CRC Publication, 1920, `22, `24,`26, `28, 1930,`34, `36, `37, `38, `39, 1940, `41, `42, `43, `44, `45, `46, `47, `48, `49, 1950, `51.
The Banner . Official Publication of the Christian Reformed Church.  Grand Rapids: CRC Publication, Issues between 1916 through 1950.  
International Bulletin Vol. 9, No. 2,3. Vol. 12.
International Review of Missions . London: Morrison and Gibb Ltd., 1928,9, 1932, 1949, 1950.
Missiology Volume XIII. No. 3.  July 1985